scholarly journals Svensk sjöfart, neutralitet och det väpnade neutralitetsförbundet 1780–1783

2014 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 39-58
Author(s):  
Leos Müller

Swedish Shipping, Neutrality, and the First League of Armed Neutrality,1780–1783.The purpose of this article is to follow two contradictory perceptions of neutrality in the political discourses of the mid-eighteenth century. One perception drew on the philosophy of natural law and the beneficial view of trade and sociability; here neutrality was perceived as a good and moral basis for peaceful inter-state relations. The second perception derived from the mercantilist view of international trade as an alternative means of warfare; here neutrality was perceived as a shameless exploitation of warfare. It is argued that the concept of neutrality went through an important development in the period between the Seven Years’ War and the American War of Independence, and that the Danish writer Martin Hübner played an important role in this development. Hübner’s view of neutrality, drawing on both discourses, became embodied indirectly in the declaration of the First League of Armed Neutrality in 1780, composed during the American War of Independence. The League was the joint action of three neutral countries, Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, intended to stop the British harassment of neutral trade and shipping. When Sweden joined the League, it acknowledged this new concept of neutrality as part of its foreign policy.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aram Terzyan

The 2018 “Velvet Revolution” in Armenia has renewed scholarly interest in post-Soviet revolution studies. This paper explores the core narratives underlying post-Rose Revolution and post-Velvet Revolution identity construction in Georgian and Armenian political discourses. More specifically, it examines the core narratives employed by the Georgian and Armenian revolution leaders Mikheil Saakashvili and Nikol Pashinyan in constructing the political identities of “New Georgia” and “New Armenia.” The findings suggest that the core narratives dominating Saakashvili’s discourse on post-revolution Georgia are as follows: “democratic Georgia” and “laboratory of democratic reforms,” “stereotype breaker,” “European Georgia,” “peaceful Georgia,” “powerful Georgia” and “security contributor,” determined to homecoming to Europe. Pashinyan’s discourse has revolved around the notion of “proud Armenians,” who established “people’s government” capable of carrying out an “economic revolution.” In contrast to Saakashvili’s emphasis on escaping post-Soviet geopolitical space and gaining centrality in the EU-driven socio-political order, Pashinyan’s discourse does not suggest foreign policy U-turns. It concludes that while the 2003 “Rose Revolution” marked fundamental shifts in self-other conceptions within the Georgian political discourse, the post-revolution Armenian discourse has not experienced dramatic identity-driven transformations.


Author(s):  
Kristopher Ramsay

Foreign policy often involves two or more countries finding a path from contested interests to a peaceful agreement that incorporates the political and security desires of the relevant parties. In almost every case, the possibility of armed conflict as an alternative means of settling disagreements casts its shadow. Recent research on foreign policy can be well understood as following the view, first articulated by Thomas C. Schelling, that all international relations is really about negotiations and bargaining. This worldview brings a number of aspects of international politics into a natural and coherent framework. We can understand what leads countries to fail to reach peaceful solutions when disagreements arise, how the issues on the agenda influence the content and success of negotiations, and how domestic constituencies shape the ability of leaders to make agreements. Equally important, we can understand the trade-offs between short-term negotiating advantages and long-term issues of reputation.


Fénelon ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 173-223

Fénelon’s previous editors have gathered together under the heading Mémoires politiques several of his short writings on the political events of his day. These Political Memoranda provided Fénelon with an opportunity to apply his political theory to practical political questions. Dating to the first two decades of the eighteenth century, some of the most noteworthy of these focus on the disastrous effects of Louis XIV’s foreign policy in the course of the War of Spanish Succession. Also included here are the “Plans of Government,” a set of notes that emerged from Fénelon’s conversations in November 1711 with several of his fellow reformers. They are generally thought to have been prepared to provide Burgundy—who, in the wake of his father’s death earlier that year, had become the expected successor to Louis XIV—with a practical guide for the reform of the government of France on his ascension to the throne.


1988 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 573-602 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Black

One of the greatest problems in the discussion of eighteenth-century British foreign policy concerns the assessment of the influence of the particular character of the British political system. British foreign policy, and thus the country's alliance strategy, was conditioned by the subtle interplay of internal processes, the functioning of her domestic political system, and the international situation. As historians are concerned increasingly to probe the nature of the domestic pressures influencing the formulation and execution of policy, so it becomes more important to define the political, as opposed to constitutional, role of Parliament and public opinion. This is of obvious significance for the study of Britain's relations with her allies. Were these made more difficult as a consequence of the distinctive character of the British political system? There was no shortage of contemporaries willing to state that this was the case. An obvious category of discussion concerned the citing of domestic pressure as a reason why concessions could not be made to foreign powers, both allies and those whose alliance was sought. This was of particular significance when ministries explained why gains made during war could not be surrendered at peace treaties and gains made at the peace could not be yielded subsequently. Their defense of the retention of Gibraltar was based on this argument. Similar arguments were used by British ministers in seeking to persuade allies to do as they wished. Diplomatic pressure on France over the state of Dunkirk or on Spain and Portugal over commercial disputes made frequent use of the argument of domestic pressure.


2015 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 449-471 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federico D’Onofrio

This article presents some observations on “public happiness” in order to clarify the idea’s meaning in the eighteenth-century Italian context. It examines Lugino Bruni’s interpretation of this concept, and criticizes his understanding of public happiness as the continuation of Artistotle’s eudaimonia. Bruni stresses the social and collective nature of happiness in the civil economy of the Italian eighteenth century. By examining the works of Ludovico Antonio Muratori and Antonio Genovesi, this article addresses instead the political meaning of public happiness for absolute monarchies, and underlines its origins in the German tradition of natural law.


2020 ◽  
pp. 83-107
Author(s):  
György Miru

This paper gives an overview of the political career of László Teleki, the leading diplo­mat of the Hungarian war of independence. Based on the topics discussed in this volume, his efforts as a writer of literature will also be mentioned here, though his theatrical pieces met just modest popular acclaim. Teleki joined politics, and became a well-known and successful politician in support of reformists. Later, before the war with Austria, he was appointed to act as the ambassador of the independent Hungarian government to Paris. He had a key role in shaping Hungarian foreign policy, wanted to secure the inde­pendence of the country both during the war of independence and in emigration. This paper focuses on this latter period, when his correspondence clearly reflected his politi­cal commitment and approach, as well as changes in his personal relations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. e51549
Author(s):  
Danilo Sorato Oliveira Moreira

O presente artigo visa analisar as continuidades e as descontinuidades da Política Externa Brasileira dos governos Temer e Bolsonaro (2016-2020). A metodologia utiliza a discussão de literatura especializada e a análise de conteúdo dos formuladores de Política Externa Brasileira. O artigo argumenta que, nos temas da agenda internacional sobre comércio e Venezuela, os governos mantiveram elementos semelhantes como a prioridade na assinatura de acordos comerciais e o distanciamento progressivo com o venezuelanos. Em assuntos internacionais acerca da China e do conflito árabe-israelense, as administrações mantiveram elementos dessemelhantes como a crítica político-ideológica da parceria com o país asiático e o reposicionamento prioritário a Israel na questão entre israelenses e palestinos por Bolsonaro. Finalmente, defende-se que as tomadas de posição no comércio, na Venezuela, na China e no conflito árabe-israelense não trouxeram benefícios econômico-políticos ao Brasil no último quadriênio.     Palavras-chave: Política Externa Brasileira; Temer; Bolsonaro.ABSTRACTThis article aims to analyze the continuities and discontinuities of the Brazilian Foreign Policy of the Temer and Bolsonaro governments (2016-2020). The methodology uses the discussion of specialized literature and a content analysis of the formulators of Brazilian Foreign Policy. The article argues that, on the themes of the international trade and Venezuela agenda, governments maintained similar elements such as the priority in signing trade agreements and the progressive distance with Venezuelans. In international affairs about China and the Arab-Israeli conflict, the administrations maintained elements such as the political-ideological criticism of the partnership with the Asian country and the priority repositioning of Israel on the issue between Israelis and Palestinians by Bolsonaro. Finally, it is argued that the entry of positions in trade, in Venezuela, in China and in the Arab-Israeli conflict did not bring economic-political benefits to Brazil in the last quadrennium.Keywords: Brazilian Foreign Policy; Temer; Bolsonaro.  Recebido em: 06 jun. 2020 | Aceito em: 22 nov. 2020.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 188-208
Author(s):  
Mikhail Pavlovich Miliutin ◽  
Aleksandra Iur’evna Veselova

The article examines the political views of Andrei Timofeevich Bolotov, as expressed in his memoirs and handwritten collections of news from 1792–1793, which described the events of the French Revolution, as well as in other writings and translations made in the 1760s–1790s. Bolotov’s sources of information (foreign press, François Pictet, Christian Friedrich Schwan and Christoph Girtanner), his range of communication, and the nature of his writings suggest that his political outlook was not determined solely by the class perspective of a provincial landowner. His political views, formed under the influence of the Catherine ii’s coup of 1762, which he called the Russia’s “Glorious Revolution,” combined ideas underpinning Catherine’s absolutism with notions of natural law and drawn from European intellectuals.


2021 ◽  
pp. 479-495
Author(s):  
Ere Nokkala

This article reinterprets late Cameralists’ contribution to the reorientation of Cameral sciences in the second half of the eighteenth century. It analyses the conceptual changes to the central concept of happiness during the second half of the eighteenth century that resulted from the rethinking of the natural law foundations of the discipline. Understanding the political philosophical underpinnings of universal Cameral sciences, as they were formulated using the language of natural law, enables a new interpretation of the history of Cameralism. The shift from duties based on natural law to an emphasis on inalienable natural rights helped the late Cameralists build a political theory of an economic state, which relied on the motivating forces of legitimate self-interest and passions. The late Cameralists redescribed happiness in terms of freedom, thereby accomplishing a shift from Cameral sciences’ legitimization of fatherly rule to a political thought that had its legitimacy in the provision of freedom, security, and wealth to householders, who in their part were the main agents and movers of the economic state.


2011 ◽  
pp. 118-138
Author(s):  
N. Ryzhova

The article deals with the incentives for increasing international trade centralization and restricting trade border regions openness in reformed economy. Two groups of incentives are determined in terms of new political economy approaches: fear of separatism and reluctance of income redistribution. The situation with the radical international trade reform in Russia, followed by correction of trade openness, illustrates key moments in the concepts.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document