scholarly journals Continuidades e Descontinuidades nos Governos Temer e Bolsonaro na Política Externa Brasileira (2016-2020) | Continuities and Discontinuities in the Governments Temer and Bolsonaro in Brazilian Foreign Policy (2016-2020)

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. e51549
Author(s):  
Danilo Sorato Oliveira Moreira

O presente artigo visa analisar as continuidades e as descontinuidades da Política Externa Brasileira dos governos Temer e Bolsonaro (2016-2020). A metodologia utiliza a discussão de literatura especializada e a análise de conteúdo dos formuladores de Política Externa Brasileira. O artigo argumenta que, nos temas da agenda internacional sobre comércio e Venezuela, os governos mantiveram elementos semelhantes como a prioridade na assinatura de acordos comerciais e o distanciamento progressivo com o venezuelanos. Em assuntos internacionais acerca da China e do conflito árabe-israelense, as administrações mantiveram elementos dessemelhantes como a crítica político-ideológica da parceria com o país asiático e o reposicionamento prioritário a Israel na questão entre israelenses e palestinos por Bolsonaro. Finalmente, defende-se que as tomadas de posição no comércio, na Venezuela, na China e no conflito árabe-israelense não trouxeram benefícios econômico-políticos ao Brasil no último quadriênio.     Palavras-chave: Política Externa Brasileira; Temer; Bolsonaro.ABSTRACTThis article aims to analyze the continuities and discontinuities of the Brazilian Foreign Policy of the Temer and Bolsonaro governments (2016-2020). The methodology uses the discussion of specialized literature and a content analysis of the formulators of Brazilian Foreign Policy. The article argues that, on the themes of the international trade and Venezuela agenda, governments maintained similar elements such as the priority in signing trade agreements and the progressive distance with Venezuelans. In international affairs about China and the Arab-Israeli conflict, the administrations maintained elements such as the political-ideological criticism of the partnership with the Asian country and the priority repositioning of Israel on the issue between Israelis and Palestinians by Bolsonaro. Finally, it is argued that the entry of positions in trade, in Venezuela, in China and in the Arab-Israeli conflict did not bring economic-political benefits to Brazil in the last quadrennium.Keywords: Brazilian Foreign Policy; Temer; Bolsonaro.  Recebido em: 06 jun. 2020 | Aceito em: 22 nov. 2020.

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fábio Santino Bussmann

Esse artigo analisa o poder explicativo da Teoria da Autonomia de Hélio Jaguaribe em relação aos momentos indubitavelmente autônomos da Política Externa Brasileira (PEB). Isso foi feito mediante o estudo de caso, em forma de teste de teoria, da Política Externa Independente (PEI) do governo Jânio Quadros, que é representativa desses momentos. O estudo de caso foi realizado por meio da análise de conteúdo no programa de pesquisa Nvivo. O argumento resultante da análise realizada é o de que a Teoria da Autonomia tem o potencial de explicar de forma mais precisa e estruturada os momentos de autonomia da PEB do que arranjos conceituais usados atualmente no estudo dos referidos momentos da PEB, já que a PEI, de forma representativa, evidencia objetivos referenciados a uma visão estrutural-hierárquica do cenário internacional, no campo político-econômico.Palavras-chave: Teoria da Autonomia, Política Externa Independente, Política Externa Brasileira.ABSTRACT:This article analyzes the explanatory power of Helio Jaguaribe's Theory of Autonomy in relation to the undoubtedly autonomous moments of Brazilian Foreign Policy (BFP). This was done through a case study, in the form of a theory test, of the Independent Foreign Policy (IFP) of the Jânio Quadros government, which is representative of these moments. The case study was conducted through content analysis in the Nvivo research program. The argument resulting from the analysis is that the Autonomy Theory has the potential to explain in a more precise and structured way the moments of autonomy of the BFP than the conceptual arrangements currently used in the study of the referred moments of the BFP, since the IFP, in a representative way, shows objectives referenced to a structural-hierarchical vision of the international scenario, in the political-economic field.Keywords: Autonomy Theory, Independent Foreign Policy, Brazilian Foreign Policy.Recebido em: 29 jan. 2019 | Aceito em: 03 dez. 2019. 


2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
TU-ANH VU-THANH

AbstractConventional wisdom holds that international trade agreements can serve as a source of external pressure and credible commitment to overcome opposition and to lock in domestic economic reforms. This belief, however, underestimates the ability of politicians not only to circumvent these pressures, but to leverage international trade agreements to advance their own policy preferences – preferences that may be highly anti-reformist. Thus, trade agreements do not necessarily induce reforms and, in certain circumstances, they can even be counterproductive. Through an analysis of aggregate data and 40 interviews with senior politicians, government officials, and state-owned enterprise managers in Vietnam, this paper illustrates these insights by analyzing the political economy of SOE reform backsliding on the eve of Vietnam's accession to the WTO.


2014 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 39-58
Author(s):  
Leos Müller

Swedish Shipping, Neutrality, and the First League of Armed Neutrality,1780–1783.The purpose of this article is to follow two contradictory perceptions of neutrality in the political discourses of the mid-eighteenth century. One perception drew on the philosophy of natural law and the beneficial view of trade and sociability; here neutrality was perceived as a good and moral basis for peaceful inter-state relations. The second perception derived from the mercantilist view of international trade as an alternative means of warfare; here neutrality was perceived as a shameless exploitation of warfare. It is argued that the concept of neutrality went through an important development in the period between the Seven Years’ War and the American War of Independence, and that the Danish writer Martin Hübner played an important role in this development. Hübner’s view of neutrality, drawing on both discourses, became embodied indirectly in the declaration of the First League of Armed Neutrality in 1780, composed during the American War of Independence. The League was the joint action of three neutral countries, Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, intended to stop the British harassment of neutral trade and shipping. When Sweden joined the League, it acknowledged this new concept of neutrality as part of its foreign policy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 80 (6) ◽  
pp. 551-569 ◽  
Author(s):  
Azeta Hatef ◽  
Luwei Rose Luqiu

One Belt, One Road is a political and economic initiative developed by China to revive ancient trade routes in an effort to encourage international trade. One Belt, One Road will increase China’s economic reach but also promises to improve the political and economic standards of countries involved in the program. The initiative holds transformative opportunities for Afghanistan, as the country continues to experience political and economic instability. One Belt, One Road, though is met with differing perspectives, where critics of the initiative point toward China’s exploitative desires. Through content analysis of China’s People’s Daily and Global Times as well as Afghanistan’s Khaama Press, this article suggests China and Afghanistan’s involvement in the One Belt, One Road initiative is rooted in vastly different interests.


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