Countering Violent Extremism in Indonesia: Using an Online Panel Survey to Assess a Social Media Counter-Messaging Campaign

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Bodine-Baron ◽  
James Marrone ◽  
Todd Helmus ◽  
Danielle Schlang
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sakin Tanvir ◽  
Mehbeez Matiur ◽  
Fahim Hossain

2019 ◽  
pp. 203
Author(s):  
Kent Roach

It is argued that neither the approach taken to terrorist speech in Bill C-51 nor Bill C-59 is satisfactory. A case study of the Othman Hamdan case, including his calls on the Internet for “lone wolves” “swiftly to activate,” is featured, along with the use of immigration law after his acquittal for counselling murder and other crimes. Hamdan’s acquittal suggests that the new Bill C-59 terrorist speech offence and take-down powers based on counselling terrorism offences without specifying a particular terrorism offence may not reach Hamdan’s Internet postings. One coherent response would be to repeal terrorist speech offences while making greater use of court-ordered take-downs of speech on the Internet and programs to counter violent extremism. Another coherent response would be to criminalize the promotion and advocacy of terrorist activities (as opposed to terrorist offences in general in Bill C-51 or terrorism offences without identifying a specific terrorist offence in Bill C-59) and provide for defences designed to protect fundamental freedoms such as those under section 319(3) of the Criminal Code that apply to hate speech. Unfortunately, neither Bill C-51 nor Bill C-59 pursues either of these options. The result is that speech such as Hamdan’s will continue to be subject to the vagaries of take-downs by social media companies and immigration law.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (5) ◽  
pp. 1213-1227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Frances Bright ◽  
Kelty Logan

Purpose Social media usage has become ubiquitous in our society – consumers are spending upwards of 20 percent of their media time on social sites interacting with friends, family and brands (Adler, 2016) and all of this usage is driving fatigue. The purpose of this paper is to examine how advertising factors such as attitude and intrusiveness impact social media fatigue as well as two consumer behavior factors, fear of missing out (FOMO) and privacy. Design/methodology/approach A 190-item questionnaire was developed and administered to an opt-in subject pool recruited for web-based research (i.e. online panel). A representative sample of 750 US social media users was recruited for the survey of which 518 respondents were valid and usable. Findings Results indicate that FOMO has the greatest impact on social media fatigue, not advertising factors as predicted. In addition, privacy concerns continue to plague consumers and should be monitored by advertisers. Research limitations/implications With regard to limitation, the survey contained a variety of self-reported measures that can tend to be under-reported, especially when it comes to social media usage as evidenced in a recent study (Adler, 2016). Originality/value This research undertook an investigation of consumer perceptions of social media advertising and how those relate to social media fatigue and psychological factors such as privacy and FOMO. In looking at these constructs, a clearer picture of how consumer perceptions of advertising impact levels of social media fatigue has emerged. In addition, the results provide a better understanding of FOMO, a psychological factor that significantly contributes to social media fatigue.


Author(s):  
HENRY E. HALE

When international conflict causes an authoritarian leader’s popularity to soar, extant theories lead us to treat such “rallying” as sincere preference change, the product of surging patriotism or cowed media. This study advances a theory of less-than-fully sincere rallying more appropriate for nondemocratic settings, characterizing it as at least partly reflecting cascading dissembling driven by social desirability concerns. The identification strategy combines a rare nationally representative rally-spanning panel survey with a list experiment and econometric analysis. This establishes that three quarters of those who rallied to Putin after Russia annexed Crimea were engaging in at least some form of dissembling and that this rallying developed as a rapid cascade, with social media joining television in fueling perceptions this was socially desirable.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-20
Author(s):  
Edson C. Tandoc ◽  
Alice Huang ◽  
Andrew Duffy ◽  
Rich Ling ◽  
Nuri Kim

Guided by the framework of reciprocity on social media, the current study investigated antecedents of news sharing. Using a two-wave panel survey involving 868 respondents who took two surveys about one year apart, this study examined the effect of frequency of receiving news on social media on subsequent news-sharing behaviour, while controlling for demographics, news-sharing motivations and trust in social media news. The study found that motivation for self-presentation and trust in news shared by one's social media network positively predicted news sharing on social media. Frequency of receiving news at Time 1 also predicted sharing news subsequently at Time 2. This points to news being valued as a form of social currency.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (6) ◽  
pp. 320-336 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Halpern ◽  
Sebastián Valenzuela ◽  
James E. Katz

This study advances a theoretical model centered on collective and internal efficacy to explain the separate pathways through which political sharing on Facebook and Twitter may influence individuals to engage in political activities. We test the model with data from a 2-wave panel survey conducted with an adult population in 2013 in Chile. We found that frequent usage of Facebook and Twitter for sharing political information is conducive to higher levels of participation through different efficacy measures. Facebook has a significant effect on collective—not internal—efficacy, whereas Twitter's effect is on internal—not collective—efficacy. Results are discussed in light of the diverse affordances and strengths of network ties of Facebook and Twitter.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-135
Author(s):  
Martín Echeverría ◽  
Evelia Mani

Political trust is essential for a democratic regime to work, and a declining asset in Western countries. It has been confirmed theoretically and empirically that news media are an important source of influence on political trust, though literature have not considered social media, in which the circulation of false or misleading information, and propaganda, might have a negative effect on political trust, to be relevant channels of news consumption. In order to explore the effect of social media on political trust in comparison with that of traditional media, an ANOVA test and hierarchical multiple linear regression models were run on a three-wave panel survey, during the presidential elections of 2018 (N = 701) in Mexico. The findings indicate that the election campaign had a positive effect on institutional trust, growing as the campaign developed, and that there was a positive influence from social media, followed by television.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stuart Macdonald ◽  
Sara Giro Correia ◽  
Amy-Louise Watkin

AbstractSocial-media companies make extensive use of artificial intelligence in their efforts to remove and block terrorist content from their platforms. This paper begins by arguing that, since such efforts amount to an attempt to channel human conduct, they should be regarded as a form of regulation that is subject to rule-of-law principles. The paper then discusses three sets of rule-of-law issues. The first set concerns enforceability. Here, the paper highlights the displacement effects that have resulted from the automated removal and blocking of terrorist content and argues that regard must be had to the whole social-media ecology, as well as to jihadist groups other than the so-called Islamic State and other forms of violent extremism. Since rulebylaw is only a necessary, and not a sufficient, condition for compliance with rule-of-law values, the paper then goes on to examine two further sets of issues: the clarity with which social-media companies define terrorist content and the adequacy of the processes by which a user may appeal against an account suspension or the blocking or removal of content. The paper concludes by identifying a range of research questions that emerge from the discussion and that together form a promising and timely research agenda to which legal scholarship has much to contribute.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 205630511987295 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chang Sup Park

Drawing upon Bandura’s self-efficacy theory, this study conceptualizes “social media news efficacy” and examines how news efficacy connects perceived news overload on social media to news avoidance and social filtering. Findings from a two-wave panel survey of South Korean adults show that news overload is significantly related to a decrease of news efficacy, which in turn increases news avoidance on social media. The analysis also finds that news efficacy mediates the positive link between perceived news overload and social filtering over time.


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