scholarly journals Not for King or Country: Edward Cecil-Smith, the Communist Party of Canada, and the Spanish Civil War by Tyler Wentzell

2021 ◽  
Vol 113 (2) ◽  
pp. 270
Author(s):  
Brandon J. Cordeiro
2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (21) ◽  
pp. 222-245
Author(s):  
FáBIO DA SILVA SOUSA

Em 1936, eclodiu na Espanha a Guerra Civil. Esse conflito ceifou vidas, soterrou sonhos e foi uma derrota para anarquistas e comunistas. Na América Latina, o México, então governado pelo Gen. Lázaro Cárdenas, apoiou os combatentes republicanos. Além do governo, os comunistas mexicanos também se engajaram nessa Guerra. O Partido Comunista Mexicano (PCM) utilizou as páginas do periódico El Machete para noticiar o desenrolar do conflito e também para angariar apoio aos republicanos. Assim, o presente artigo objetiva analisar o material impresso da Guerra Civil Espanhola publicado nas páginas do El Machete de 1936 a 1938. Por meio de uma análise do material, serão discutidas as estratégias discursivas que o periódico comunista mexicano utilizou em sua cobertura do conflito espanhol e a imagem que ele construiu para os leitores sobre a Guerra que estava em curso do outro lado do continente latino-americano.Palavras-chave: Imprensa Comunista. México. Espanha.A CIGARETTE FOR A FRIEND: The Spanish Civil War in the Mexican Communist PressAbstract: In 1936 the Civil War broke out in Spain. Such fighting mowed down lives, buried dreams and was a defeat for anarchists and communists. In Latin America, Mexico, then, ruled by General Lazaro Cardenas, supported the Republican fighters. Besides the government, the Mexican communists also supported the war. The Mexican Communist Party (MCP) used its periodical - the El Machete - to report the course of the conflict and also to raise support for the Spanish Republicans. Thus, this article aims to analyze the printed material from the Spanish Civil War published on the pages of El Machete from 1936 to 1938. Through the analysis of the material selected, it will be discussed the discursive strategies that the Mexican Communist journal used in its coverage of the Spanish conflict and the image it has presented to its readers about the war that was taking place across the Latin American continent.Keywords: Communist Press. Mexico. Spain.  UN CIGARRILLO A UN AMIGO: La Guerra Civil Española en la Prensa Comunista MexicanaResumen: En 1936 estalló en España la Guerra Civil. Este conflicto se ha cobrado vidas, sueños fueron enterrados y fue una derrocada para los anarquistas y comunistas. En América Latina, el México gobernado por el Gen. Lázaro Cárdenas apoyó a los combatientes republicanos. Además del gobierno, los comunistas mexicanos también participan en esa Guerra. El Partido Comunista Mexicano (PCM) utilizó las páginas del periódico El Machete para informar el curso del conflicto y también para obtener el apoyo a los republicanos. Este artá­culo tiene como objetivo analizar el material de impresión de la Guerra Civil Española publicado en las páginas de El Machete, en el perá­odo de 1936 hasta 1938. A través del estudio de ese material, se discutirán las estrategias discursivas que El Machete utilizó en su cobertura del conflicto español y la imagen que se construyó para los lectores del periódico comunista mexicano de esa Guerra que estaba en marcha del otro lado del continente latino-americano.Palabras claves: Prensa comunista. México. España.


2015 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-114
Author(s):  
Fraser Raeburn

Despite making up over ten per cent of the British volunteers in the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War (1936-9), Scots from Glasgow and the surrounding districts have been overlooked in many accounts of the British involvement in the conflict. In seeking to explain the disproportionate numbers of volunteers from this region, the influence of factors such as economic conditions, political structures and institutions, ideology and community are examined with reference to individuals’ decisions to volunteer in Spain. It is argued that as well as the more severe impact of the inter-war slump in the region, it was Glasgow's distinctive working-class cultures, which placed great importance on grassroots political communities, with an emphasis on social as well as political connections, that led to Communist Party recruitment efforts being especially successful.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 019
Author(s):  
Laura López-Martín

The Spanish Civil War mobilised a wide spectrum of the British population, a mood which materialised in the despatch of humanitarian aid, mainly to republican Spain. To this end, there were meetings and rallies in which the use of film was customary. Films made it possible to show a different reality from that which appeared on the newsreels, provided an opportunity for fund-raising and showed the deployment and results of the aid received. The distribution of the films, and occasionally their production, was undertaken by progressive film organisations, close to the Communist party, which raised doubts vis-à-vis the real intentions of the humanitarian organisations.


Author(s):  
Emily Christina Murphy

Myrtle Eugenia Watts, known variously as Jim, Jean, or Gina, was a Canadian foreign correspondent for the Spanish Civil War, theatre artist in the Theatre of Action, and patron of Canadian leftist literary and theatre culture in the 1930s. In her short career, Watts had a significant impact on Canadian leftist modernist culture. Jean Watts was born in Streetsville, Ontario to a wealthy family. By 1920, Watts’s family had moved to Toronto’s Annex neighbourhood, where Watts’s social and artistic circle would eventually include such prominent Canadian cultural figures as writers Dorothy Livesay and Stanley B. Ryerson, and theatre artists Toby Gordon Ryan and Oscar Ryan. Watts and Livesay would spend their adolescences as self-identified bluestockings, attending lectures by prominent feminist Emma Goldman, and reading the literary works of European and British modernists. Beginning in her early adulthood, Watts contributed significant resources to the Worker’s Theatre (later the Theatre of Action) and to the establishment of the leftist literary journal New Frontier (1936–1938), for which her husband Lon Lawson was editor. In early 1937, after the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, Watts took up a position with the Canadian Communist Party newspaper, the Daily Clarion (1936–1939), as a foreign correspondent stationed at the Blood Transfusion Unit outside Madrid.


2020 ◽  
Vol 188 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 3-58
Author(s):  
David Majtenyi

This paper focuses on the fate of Jaroslav Klecan, a native from southern Bohemia, a pre-war member of the Communist Party who had left as a volunteer for the Spanish Civil War in late 1937. He fought in the battalion T. G. Masaryk of the 129th interbrigade. After the fall of the Spanish Republic, he was interned in the French camp in Gurs. When the Second World War begun he enrolled to the Czechoslovak Army, albeit he was probably never committed at the front. After the French capitulation, he stayed in the free zone and joined the French resistance movement in the FTP-MOI group led by Ladislav Holdoš. However, the Comintern soon ordered him and few other Czechoslovak Resistance fighters to return to the occupied homeland. Klecan arrived to the Protectorate in 1941 and affiliated the Communist resistance movement in Bohemia immediately. He was arrested by the Nazi secret police on 24 April 1942, together with Julius Fučík and others. After a series of interrogations, the German People’s Court sentenced him to death and he was executed in Berlin-Plötzensee on 8 September 1943. He is known as “Mirek” from Fučík’s Notes from the Gallows.


2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 408-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fraser Raeburn

After fighting in the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War of 1936–9, hundreds of Britons returned home to an uncertain future. While the anti-fascist left saw them as heroes, their Communist Party links met with official suspicion, complicated further by the advent of war in September 1939. Popular and scholarly narratives alike have concurred that International Brigade veterans were barred en masse from the armed forces, despite their experience and demonstrable hatred for fascism. This article complicates these narratives, exploring the extent and causes of discrimination, and placing these within the context of wartime anti-communist policy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 719-744
Author(s):  
Fraser Raeburn

Despite decades of scholarship, historians have struggled to explain the decision made by the tens of thousands of volunteers who joined the International Brigades during the Spanish Civil War (1936–9). Recent methodological innovations, particularly the embrace of transnational perspectives, have led to richer appreciations of complex individual motives and circumstances, but have done less to advance general explanations of the phenomenon. Drawing on a Scottish case study, this account argues that while motives may indeed have been highly individual, the context for the decision to enlist was not, with most volunteers coming from within well-defined social and political spheres. The density of recruitment among particular Communist Party networks suggests that far from being an internalised choice, the decision was made alongside and influenced by friends, family and colleagues. The communal nature of this process offers a useful explanation of the scale of recruitment for Spain across contexts, and suggests several specific factors that enabled the international communist movement to mobilise itself on such a large scale compared to other historical contingents of foreign fighters.


2017 ◽  
pp. 142-155
Author(s):  
I. Rozinskiy ◽  
N. Rozinskaya

The article examines the socio-economic causes of the outcome of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1936), which, as opposed to the Russian Civil War, resulted in the victory of the “Whites”. Choice of Spain as the object of comparison with Russia is justified not only by similarity of civil wars occurred in the two countries in the XX century, but also by a large number of common features in their history. Based on statistical data on the changes in economic well-being of different strata of Spanish population during several decades before the civil war, the authors formulate the hypothesis according to which the increase of real incomes of Spaniards engaged in agriculture is “responsible” for their conservative political sympathies. As a result, contrary to the situation in Russia, where the peasantry did not support the Whites, in Spain the peasants’ position predetermined the outcome of the confrontation resulting in the victory of the Spanish analogue of the Whites. According to the authors, the possibility of stable increase of Spanish peasants’ incomes was caused by the nation’s non-involvement in World War I and also by more limited, compared to Russia and some other countries, spending on creation of heavy (primarily military-related) industry in Spain.


2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-66
Author(s):  
Idoia Murga Castro

Centenary celebrations are being held between 2016 and 2018 to mark the first consecutive tours of Diaghilev's Ballets Russes in Spain. This study analyses the Spanish reception of Le Sacre du Printemps (The Rite of Spring) (1913), one of its most avant-garde pieces. Although the original work was never performed in Spain as a complete ballet, its influence was felt deeply in the work of certain Spanish choreographers, composers, painters and intellectuals during the so-called Silver Age, the period of modernisation and cultural expansion which extended from the end of the nineteenth century to the beginning of the Spanish Civil War.


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