scholarly journals Gomery: prequel and sequel

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
S.L. Sutherland

The following text will first characterize the sponsorship scandal and then review the consequences for the shape of the inquiry created by its terms of reference. My view is that although the intent of establishing the inquiry was to demonstrate that all was well in an open democracy, the event itself, pulled out of the past, selectively refreshed grievance and outrage. The televized proceedings followed by daily headlines so inflamed the general public with the repetitive detailing of money losses that the public came to understand sponsorship’s root evil as only financial waste, and only Liberal Party corruption (« entitlement »). The inquiry as it was conducted thus forestalled more significant conversations that might have filled in between the criminal and civil trials. Worse, the inquiry created a view that the political corruption it emphasized, which it was at pains to emphasize as « artisan, » could have been almost casually forestalled at any point by ordinary levels of vigilance on the part of senior public servants. More specifically, the terms of reference either forced or normalized a selective approach to calling, questioning and recalling witnesses. Further, the judge the government of Prime Minister Paul Martin chose to lead the inquiry was the first to acknowledge that he lacked an understanding of responsible government, political institutions and public law. He therefore was swiftly provided with advisers on the political system and settled views he was in no position to know of or judge.

Author(s):  
Angela Alonso

The Second Reign (1840–1889), the monarchic times under the rule of D. Pedro II, had two political parties. The Conservative Party was the cornerstone of the regime, defending political and social institutions, including slavery. The Liberal Party, the weaker player, adopted a reformist agenda, placing slavery in debate in 1864. Although the Liberal Party had the majority in the House, the Conservative Party achieved the government, in 1868, and dropped the slavery discussion apart from the parliamentary agenda. The Liberals protested in the public space against the coup d’état, and one of its factions joined political outsiders, which gave birth to a Republic Party in 1870. In 1871, the Conservative Party also split, when its moderate faction passed a Free Womb bill. In the 1880s, the Liberal and Conservative Parties attacked each other and fought their inner battles, mostly around the abolition of slavery. Meanwhile, the Republican Party grew, gathering the new generation of modernizing social groups without voices in the political institutions. This politically marginalized young men joined the public debate in the 1870s organizing a reformist movement. They fought the core of Empire tradition (a set of legitimizing ideas and political institutions) by appropriating two main foreign intellectual schemes. One was the French “scientific politics,” which helped them to built a diagnosis of Brazil as a “backward country in the March of Civilization,” a sentence repeated in many books and articles. The other was the Portuguese thesis of colonial decadence that helped the reformist movement to announce a coming crisis of the Brazilian colonial legacy—slavery, monarchy, latifundia. Reformism contested the status quo institutions, values, and practices, while conceiving a civilized future for the nation as based on secularization, free labor, and inclusive political institutions. However, it avoided theories of revolution. It was a modernizing, albeit not a democrat, movement. Reformism was an umbrella movement, under which two other movements, the Abolitionist and the Republican ones, lived mostly together. The unity split just after the shared issue of the abolition of slavery became law in 1888, following two decades of public mobilization. Then, most of the reformists joined the Republican Party. In 1888 and 1889, street mobilization was intense and the political system failed to respond. Monarchy neither solved the political representation claims, nor attended to the claims for modernization. Unsatisfied with abolition format, most of the abolitionists (the law excluded rights for former slaves) and pro-slavery politicians (there was no compensation) joined the Republican Party. Even politicians loyal to the monarchy divided around the dynastic succession. Hence, the civil–military coup that put an end to the Empire on November 15, 1889, did not come as a surprise. The Republican Party and most of the reformist movement members joined the army, and many of the Empire politician leaders endorsed the Republic without resistance. A new political–intellectual alignment then emerged. While the republicans preserved the frame “Empire = decadence/Republic = progress,” monarchists inverted it, presenting the Empire as an era of civilization and the Republic as the rule of barbarians. Monarchists lost the political battle; nevertheless, they won the symbolic war, their narrative dominated the historiography for decades, and it is still the most common view shared among Brazilians.


1922 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralston Hayden

In this period during which all political institutions are being tested as never before by the searching criticism of an awakened world and by application to the well-nigh insoluble problems left by the World War, the constitutions which have been developed by the post-war states of Europe possess a peculiar interest to the student of public affairs. They are the results of the conscious effort of the statesmen of these new commonwealths to combine with the historic institutions of their own lands those features of the public law and the political practises of the older democracies which experience has proven to be workable, to be conducive of good government, and to make possible a more or less popular control over affairs of state. The product of a season when democracy is the fashion, all of these instruments are filled with rules and phrases which have a familiar ring in American ears, despite a more than occasional Gallic or native accent.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-107
Author(s):  
Lieven De Winter

The Belgian political system is of ten qualified as a particracy, this is a variation of the classical parliamentary democracy, in which political parties dominate the political  decision-making process more than the other subsystems, such as parliament, the government, the public administration, the judiciary power, the broadcasting institutions, the written press etc. This preponderancy is achieved by the partypolitisation of the positions in and the functio ning of these subsystems.Partyleaders exert nowadays a major influence on the constellation of a new government and the designation of its ministers. Through the governmental program and special extraparliamentary pacts they map out more and more government's future policies. The ministerial cabinets execute the control over the public administration on behalf of the parties of the majority and aften take over some of its peculiar functions. The recruitment of public servants and their promotion depend highly upon the institutionalized patronage of the governmental parties.The power to select the candidates for the general elections has shifted away from the rank-and-file member to the local and national partyleaders.Partydiscipline is one of the major causes of the shift of the government making function, the legislative and controlling functions of parliament to the party headquaters.The recruitment and the promotions of magistrates was already before World War II largely politicized.Although the structural integration between the newspapers and parties has decreased since 1945, the political parties have strengthened their control over the designation of the diree:tors and administrators of the Belgian broadcasting institutions.


2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 500-542 ◽  
Author(s):  
Itzhak Galnoor

AbstractJudicialization in this article is the predisposition to find a solution in adjudication to types of dispute that had been settled previously in a socio-economic-political framework. “Legislative judicialization” (or over-legalization) is also a predisposition according to which the variegated spheres of our lives need to be regulated through a formal code of laws. In the political arena the questions relating to judicialization are: Is the assumption that legal decisions are able to save politics – mainly democratic values and abiding by the derived rules of the game – a valid one? Can one institution of the political system (broadly defined) – the law court – rescue the two other, the parliament and the government, in difficult times? Assuming that “successful” intervention by the judicial institution will cause the other two to abide strictly by the rule of law, could it at the same time curb their effective steering capacity, which is their main task? And conversely, if the steering capacity and the leadership ability to make “good” decisions are so flimsy – would it not be desirable to have judicial review to ensure that the political institutions at least make “proper” decisions that are not extremely unreasonable? These are the main questions discussed in this article.The findings regarding the judicialization of politics point out not only to the eagerness of the law courts, but mainly to the weakening of the political system, to the point where the Knesset, the Government and the political parties find it most difficult to function without the assistance given them by the law courts. And yet, did the judicial branch “save” the other two branches? Obviously, this has not happened thus far. In Israel, a profound democratic deficit exists in the political system due to the fact, among other things, that the political institutions are incapable of coping with the continuing internal and external crises. In Israeli society, judicialization is but a symptom of a wide-ranging predicament that requires a richer bill of fare than more laws and more adjudication. It consists of: the social grounding of democratic values; renewal of trust and confidence in the political institutions; strengthening the political parties; recognition of the contribution of civil organizations and the media; strengthening the local authorities, and more. This is the real arena, because there is a breaking point to the over-judicialization of the public sphere beyond which lies total anarchy.


2007 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 124-128
Author(s):  
Azelarabe Bennani

The issue we will discuss is related to the use of the Internet by the non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to improve the social development in the African and international context. We will also discuss the philo-sophical background of the notion of ?public sphere‘ by the German philosopher Jürgen Habermas. Departing from the situation in Morocco, we observe that the lasting democratization process aims to improve the participation of the public sphere in the agency of social life. Taking for granted that society is not homo-geneous as expected, we observe that it is divided into the political establishment, including the state, par-liament, and the political institutions; in the social, religious and cultural institutions and the civil society. The state aims to enhance the participation of the other social spheres in the programme set by the government. The task is to engage the public sphere in the so called ?partnership‘ in the realization of its social pro-grammes.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-32
Author(s):  
Hasan Basri

This research focuses on the political communication strategy of the Golkar DPD in the 2019 Central Aceh legislative elections. A political communication strategy is very important for a political party that wants to attract sympathy to get people's approval. This study adopts a qualitative approach that describes and explains the political communication strategy of the Golkar legislative electoral council. Golkar as one of the parties involved in the competition and winning the 2019 Central Aceh Pilkada won four DPRK seats. The political communication strategy carried out by Golkar in winning the 2019 Election is for Golkar to listen to and convey the aspira-tions of the people. The political communication strategy implemented by the Golkar party in the legislative elections is structured communication from the central leader-ship to cadres in rural areas so that political messages can be conveyed equally, in the face of the 2019 legislative elections, Golkar provides information to people who have the right to vote, educate the public, accommodate the aspirations of the commu-nity, and socializing aimed at the government and other political institutions, the board of DPD Golkar to convey all forms of work programs to the public, as a means of party political communication such as providing information to the mass media. People who do not receive messages and do not want to communicate with Golkar party cadres because they are not interested in political activities, people who are more interested in political manipulation, and people who already have candidates from close relatives.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
S. L. Sutherland

The article argues that the Federal Accountability Act or, as of November, 2006, C-2, is an unaccountable piece of legislation in the sense that it is not explicable or intelligible. Second, to take the risk of imposing so many unrelated measures on federal institutions at one time is not a responsible action. There is an unevaluated risk of destabilizing the institutions of government and the public service. Certainly some provisions of the bill, such as the creation of a parliamentary budget office as an executive agency, and the creation of a federal director of public prosecutions, might well merit study as selfstanding measures. But most other provisions, on examination, threaten to destabilize or end responsible government in Canada. The paper argues that several measures clearly fall into this latter category. Among these are measures to provide for heavy regulation and summary punishment of both parliamentarians and senior public servants, as well as for the “naming and blaming and shaming” of senior public servants at the cost of introducing a policy-administration dichotomy, plus the excessive grants of powers to agents or officers of Parliament and the creation of new “parliamentary” bureaucracies that in fact perform executive functions. The manner of passing the bill in the House was also of doubtful fairness, given that the New Democratic Party joined in a partnership with the government to rush the bill through the Legislative Committee of the House of Commons.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.


Author(s):  
Michael Eamon

In October 2011, the Government of Canada began a two-year, nation-wide celebration of the bicentenary of the War of 1812. The widely-criticized initiative returned the public eye to a traditional ‘interpretive tableau’ of war heroes, namely Isaac Brock, Tecumseh, Charles de Salaberry and Laura Secord. While the scope and expense of the federal government’s efforts have been unprecedented, the political battle to maintain certain memories of the War is one that is not new. A struggle against the forgetfulness of Canadians, and particularly young Canadians, has animated commemorations of the War for almost two centuries. Looking at a selection of past commemorative efforts this essay explores how the inertia of a traditional tableau of heroes has tended to overshadow other narratives and newer interpretations. Yet all is not lost. Using the example of the author’s exhibition, Faces of 1812, it is suggested that publicly-constructed histories can be employed as a useful departure point for the public historian and provide a foundation from which the public can obtain a broader, more critical perspective on both the commemorated events and history writ large.


Res Publica ◽  
1978 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-298
Author(s):  
Staf Lauwerysen

The abolition of the political institutions of the Belgian provinces, as provided in the government declaration of 7 June 1977, puts a question into the usefulness of the provincial institutions.This contribution intends to throw more light on the policy at the provincial level - now and in the near past - by means of a brief functional and financial analysis. Beforehand, it has to be mentioned that juridical and institutional limitations do exercise a restraining influence on the functioning of the provinces.A task-analysis shows that they are mainly concerned with «traditional» tasks ( e.g. education, traffic), but they recently take into consideration «modern» tasks in the domain of social welfare (e.g. culture, community-organization) .However, the means of the Belgian provinces are very limited ; as a result, the current expenditures of the provinces do not exceed 3 % of all public current expenditures. It shows the relative small importance of the provinces in the total government structure.


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