scholarly journals New European Constitutions: In Poland, Czechoslovakia and the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croates and Slovenes

1922 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralston Hayden
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Public Law ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
The Public ◽  
Conscious Effort ◽  
The World ◽  
Good Government ◽  
Post War

In this period during which all political institutions are being tested as never before by the searching criticism of an awakened world and by application to the well-nigh insoluble problems left by the World War, the constitutions which have been developed by the post-war states of Europe possess a peculiar interest to the student of public affairs. They are the results of the conscious effort of the statesmen of these new commonwealths to combine with the historic institutions of their own lands those features of the public law and the political practises of the older democracies which experience has proven to be workable, to be conducive of good government, and to make possible a more or less popular control over affairs of state. The product of a season when democracy is the fashion, all of these instruments are filled with rules and phrases which have a familiar ring in American ears, despite a more than occasional Gallic or native accent.

Churchill, women and the politics of gender

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Toye
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Woman Question ◽  
World War ◽  
Equal Pay ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Post War

This chapter investigates how Churchill related to women at the political level, and how women voters in turn related to him. Churchill had a blurred Conservative-Liberal identity, and this affected his approach to ‘the woman question’. Hostile to female enfranchisement at the start of his career, he became a reluctant convert during his Edwardian Liberal phase, provided that it could be done in such a way as to benefit his own party electorally. As a renegade Tory during the 1930s he drew on the services of a range of female anti-appeasers such as Shiela Grant Duff. During World War II, however, he controversially opposed equal pay for women teachers. It is well-established that, in the post-war years, the Conservative Party benefitted from its gendered approach to rationing and austerity, Churchill himself did little to appeal explicitly to women voters. Although he did accept a role for a limited number of ‘exceptional’ women in the public sphere, he was never an enthusiast for substantive gender equality.

The Popular Front in France: Prelude or Interlude?

1936 ◽  
Vol 30 (5) ◽  
pp. 857-883
Author(s):  
Walter R. Sharp
Keyword(s):  
Middle Age ◽  
National Policy ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Political Control ◽  
Popular Front ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Trends ◽  
The World ◽  
Peace Settlement ◽  
Post War

“Frenchman, too conservative to go communist, too anarchistic to like fascism, what are you going to do with yourself?” Thus was concluded a penetrating diagnosis of contemporary social trends in France published about a year ago. It is significant that such a survey should have come from the pen of a brilliant young journalist belonging to what may be called the post-war generation. For, whatever else recent dramatic developments in French public affairs may portend, there is no doubt that political control is passing to a new set of leaders, as well as, perhaps, to new ideologies.France is now twenty-two years removed from the outbreak of the World War. Men born as late as 1900 are approaching middle age. Among the eighth of the population now over sixty years of age, only a handful of persons remain who can remember the Franco-Prussian War. Most of the men who were directing national policy through the World War and the peace settlement have died—Clemenceau, Poincaré, Briand, Painlevé, Barthou, Viviani, and Ribot.

scholarly journals Gomery: prequel and sequel

2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
S.L. Sutherland
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Public Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Public Servants ◽  
The Public ◽  
Selective Approach ◽  
Responsible Government ◽  
Civil Trials ◽  
The Government

The following text will first characterize the sponsorship scandal and then review the consequences for the shape of the inquiry created by its terms of reference. My view is that although the intent of establishing the inquiry was to demonstrate that all was well in an open democracy, the event itself, pulled out of the past, selectively refreshed grievance and outrage. The televized proceedings followed by daily headlines so inflamed the general public with the repetitive detailing of money losses that the public came to understand sponsorship’s root evil as only financial waste, and only Liberal Party corruption (« entitlement »). The inquiry as it was conducted thus forestalled more significant conversations that might have filled in between the criminal and civil trials. Worse, the inquiry created a view that the political corruption it emphasized, which it was at pains to emphasize as « artisan, » could have been almost casually forestalled at any point by ordinary levels of vigilance on the part of senior public servants. More specifically, the terms of reference either forced or normalized a selective approach to calling, questioning and recalling witnesses. Further, the judge the government of Prime Minister Paul Martin chose to lead the inquiry was the first to acknowledge that he lacked an understanding of responsible government, political institutions and public law. He therefore was swiftly provided with advisers on the political system and settled views he was in no position to know of or judge.

Squatting: The Fight for Decent Shelter, 1970s–1980s

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-50
Author(s):  
John Marsland
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Public Services ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Housing Policies ◽  
The West ◽  
The World ◽  
Housing Needs ◽  
Post War ◽  
Second World

During the twenty years after the Second World War, housing began to be seen as a basic right among many in the west, and the British welfare state included many policies and provisions to provide decent shelter for its citizens. This article focuses on the period circa 1968–85, because this was a time in England when the lack of affordable, secure-tenured housing reached a crisis level at the same time that central and local governmental housing policies received wider scrutiny for their ineffectiveness. My argument is that despite post-war laws and rhetoric, many Britons lived through a housing disaster and for many the most rational way they could solve their housing needs was to exploit loopholes in the law (as well as to break them out right). While the main focus of the article is on young British squatters, there is scope for transnational comparison. Squatters in other parts of the world looked to their example to address the housing needs in their own countries, especially as privatization of public services spread globally in the 1980s and 1990s. Dutch, Spanish, German and American squatters were involved in a symbiotic exchange of ideas and sometimes people with the British squatters and each other, and practices and rhetoric from one place were quickly adopted or rejected based on the success or failure in each place.

Building Power to Change the World

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Muldoon
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
The Political ◽  
European Politics ◽  
Historical Period ◽  
World War ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Political Theories ◽  
The World ◽  
First World ◽  
Rosa Luxemburg

The German council movements arose through mass strikes and soldier mutinies towards the end of the First World War. They brought down the German monarchy, founded several short-lived council republics, and dramatically transformed European politics. This book reconstructs how participants in the German council movements struggled for a democratic socialist society. It examines their attempts to democratize politics, the economy, and society through building powerful worker-led organizations and cultivating workers’ political agency. Drawing from the practices of the council movements and the writings of theorists such as Rosa Luxemburg, Anton Pannekoek, and Karl Kautsky, this book returns to their radical vision of a self-determining society and their political programme of democratization and socialization. It presents a powerful argument for renewed attention to the political theories of this historical period and for their ongoing relevance today.

The Institute of International Law

1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 716-736
Author(s):  
James Brown Scott
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Great Difficulty ◽  
World War ◽  
The Past ◽  
Scientific Organizations ◽  
The World ◽  
Post War ◽  
In The Mists

The scientific organizations which flourished before the World War have had great difficulty in continuing their labors after its termination. The Institute of International Law has been no exception. It was to have met in Munich in September, 1914, and its program had been completely arranged; but the war which started in August, 1914, necessarily put an end to all arrangements for the session. A resort to arms inevitably brings with it a desire for its avoidance; and the greater the war, the greater the desire. A decade, a generation struggles in the mists and shadows, seeking to extricate itself from the post-war spirit, condemning the past somewhat indiscriminately and advocating innovations which, new in expression, are nevertheless the aspirations of those who, in all time, crushed and bruised by force, seek to replace it by justice.

scholarly journals Between New Terrains and Old Dichotomies: Peacebuilding and the Gangs’ Truce in El Salvador

2017 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 499-520 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sílvia Roque
Keyword(s):  
El Salvador ◽  
Potential Application ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
The Political ◽  
Crucial Importance ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
The Public ◽  
Structural Roots ◽  
Post War

Abstract This article intends to challenge the dominant assumptions that undermine the potential application of peacebuilding frameworks beyond formal post-war contexts. It analyses the gangs’ truce that recently took place in El Salvador as a privileged laboratory to rethink hegemonic understandings and practices of peacebuilding by specifically addressing the importance of overcoming dichotomised categories such ‘war and peace’, ‘criminal and political’, and ‘success and failure’. It is claimed that while the truce fostered a discourse pointing towards an ongoing peace process and enlarged the public debate on the failings of post-war policies and on the structural roots of violence, it was also decisively undermined by the inability to surmount the dichotomy that juxtaposes the criminal and the political domains. It is argued that a peacebuilding framework, inspired by a set of critical perspectives on war and peace and on the nature of ‘the political’, may thus be of crucial importance for the future of policies aimed at curbing violence in El Salvador and elsewhere.

scholarly journals Exhibiting an Unapologetic Fascist: Mario Sironi

Perceptions ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Fiona Fackler
Keyword(s):  
Public Perceptions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Contemporary Culture ◽  
National History ◽  
Work Of Art ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Displays ◽  
Contemporary Politics ◽  
The World ◽  
Primary Focus

Benito Mussolini's Fascist dictatorship over Italy in the period between world wars remains a troubling element of the nation's history. It has heavily affected the contemporary politics and public displays of in addition to scholarship about the thriving artistic scene of that time, yet, the weight of Italy's Fascist legacy has either comprised the primary focus of or been entirely absent from studies on art in the 1920s-1930s until a recent academic interest in reinvestigating the political and cultural atmosphere of the period. This paper underlines the importance of such renewed critical interests in chapters of painful history and how those interests can influence public perceptions of national history and its outreach into contemporary culture. Specifically, I will examine the written and exhibited discrepancies between the life of the painter Mario Sironi under the regime and the life of selected paintings that perpetuate his existence in contemporary Italy. By comparing La Famiglia del Pastore in "Roma Anni Trenta: La Galleria d'Arte Moderna e Le Quadriennali (1931 - 1935 - 1939)" at the Galleria d'Arte Moderna and La Solitudine in "Time is Out of Joint" at the Galleria Nazionale I will analyze how exhibitions of art shape the Italian public's reception of this period. I contend that certain exhibiting styles can either deepen public reception and consideration for a work of art and the time from which it stems or can reduce understanding to that inspired by instantaneous connections, dependent on the institution's or curator's approach to context. For, no trip to a museum is simply a trip to a museum – whether actively or passively, museums shape how the public approaches the works in its halls and through these works, how the public approaches themselves and the world surrounding them.

scholarly journals Debates about the Polish eastern border after World War II in the Polish immigrant circle

2020 ◽  
pp. 62-71
Author(s):  
Tetiana Yelova
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Editorial Staff ◽  
World War ◽  
Annual Basis ◽  
The World ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Eastern Border ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Post War

The new geopolitical realities after the World War II saw the revival of the Polish state in a new form. The Republic of Poland appeared on the map of Central Europe, with about half of its territory being the so-called Recovered Territories, while the state borders moved west. The new eastern border of the post-war Poland ran along the Curzon line. The new post-war eastern border of Poland was being negotiated and agreed upon by the Soviet and the Polish authorities starting from 1944 on an annual basis, up to 1948. The last exchange of territories took place in 1951. The debates about the political map of Europe and the new eastern border of Poland, which became a new reality after the World War II, were held both at politicians’ offices and in various media outlets. The most prominent debate about the new Polish eastern border could be found on the pages of the Kultura immigrant periodical. The Polish immigrant public intellectuals Jerzy Giedroyc, Juliusz Mieroszewski, Josef Czapski and other members of the Kultura periodical editorial board were adamant about the need to recognize the Polish borders drawn after the World War II. Such a stance was unacceptable for the Polish Governmentin-Exile based in London and some immigrant circles in the USA. Starting from 1952, the Kultura editorial staff is consistent in its efforts to defend the principle of inviolability of borders drawn after the World War II, urging the Poles to give up on the so-called Polish Kresy (Kresy Wschodnie) and to reconcile with the neighbours on the other side of the new eastern border.

scholarly journals Polityka oświatowa władz w procesie instalowania nowego ładu społecznego (1944–1948)

2019 ◽  
pp. 33-50
Author(s):  
Edyta Kahl
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Educational System ◽  
The Political ◽  
School Structure ◽  
World War ◽  
Massive Scale ◽  
Post War ◽  
Administrative Structures ◽  
Teachers Training ◽  
Social Debate

The problems discussed in the article concern the educational policy in Poland in the first years after World War II (1944-1948). The article presents the educational concepts and postulates of different political fractions and teachers’ circles, which already before the end of the War had formulated their own educational programmes. The discussions about the shape of the post-war educational system, particularly the organization of schools, the school structure, the ideological foundations, the syllabus, school handbooks and teachers’ training, were carried out, among others, between the representatives of the National Democrats, Christian-national groups, political parties, teachers’ organizations and school administration. Their attitudes to many problems varied considerably, and thus, the situation required social debate and confrontation of opinions. The quality of those discussions, the style in which the educational problems were solved as well as the direction of the structural and ideological transformations in the post-war educational system, were significantly influenced by the geopolitical post-war conditions and a strong position of the Left, consolidated by the Soviets, in the policy of the Polish state. In the expansive struggle for the political leadership in Poland, the Left used different forms of pressure and terror in order to eliminate the opposition. To achieve social legitimization for its pseudo-democratic activities, the Left undertook attempts to encourage other groups to co-operate. Particularly, the communists tried to attract cultural elites, including teachers, who they wanted to use to start the process of rebuilding social consciousness according to the rules of the ideology of Marxism and Leninism. These monopolistic ambitions, in the first years after World War II, were reflected in the destruction of the underground state and the development of administrative structures of the totalitarian system. As far as the educational system is concerned, the policy of the Left was manifested in more and more apparent actions taken to subordinate school to the communists’ interests, thus including education into the process of the transformation of the political system. All those activities, were part of the phenomenon of structural Sovietization, formed the foundations for the ideological offensive, planned by the communists and conducted on a massive scale after the formation, in 1948, of the monopolistic Stalinian party - PZPR (Polish United Workers’ Party).

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