scholarly journals The Vision of the Good Society in the Social Gospel: What, Where, and When is the Kingdom of God?

2006 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 138-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Merkley

Abstract The Progressive years, from the 1890s to 1919, were the last period of American history during which the “national faith” was publicly proclaimed in the political arena. By the 1930s, politicians excused themselves from appearing on platforms with the ministers and the symbols of Christian faith. Protestant clergymen owed their lease on the attentions of the politicians and the voting public of those years to the intellectuals' patience with the liberal preachers ' reinterpretation of the agenda of progress in terms of the imminent, poslmillenial “Kingdom of God.” Meanwhile, the spectacular advance of premillenialism in the ranks of the laity embarrassed the clergy by exposing the gulf between the liberal-philosophic commitments of the learned leadership and the continued investments of the laity in a supernaturalist understanding of the Christian faith. The vehemence of the Social Gospelers ' denunciation of premillenialism is the best clue to their determination not to accept the reality that would henceforth govern the life of the churches: that Christian faith and doctrine no longer belonged in the general culture.

Daedalus ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 148 (3) ◽  
pp. 173-180
Author(s):  
Katherine S. Newman

The trenchant essays in this volume pose two critical questions with respect to inequality: First, what explains the eruption of nationalist, xenophobic, and far-right politics and the ability of extremists to gain a toehold in the political arena that is greater than at any time since World War ii? Second, how did the social distance between the haves and have-nots harden into geographic separation that makes it increasingly difficult for those attempting to secure jobs, housing, and mobility-ensuring schools to break through? The answers are insightful and unsettling, particularly when the conversation turns to an action agenda. Every move in the direction of alternatives is fraught because the histories that brought each group of victims to occupy their uncomfortable niche in the stratification order excludes some who should be included or ignores a difference that matters in favor of principles of equal treatment.


1967 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 456-469
Author(s):  
John R. Aiken

While it is true that the social gospel of Walter Rauschenbusch is more than the religious strain of the progressive movement, there is no doubt that he sought a christianized social order, one in “harmony with the ethical convictions which we identify with Christ.” And he was much concerned with the Kingdom of God, the “growing perfection in the collective life of humanity, in our laws, in the customs of society, in the institutions for education, and of the administration of mercy.”


Author(s):  
Domènec Melé

This article follows the study of Garriga and Melé (2004), which distinguishes four groups of corporate social responsibility theories, considering their respective focus on four different aspects of the social reality: economics, politics, social integration, and ethics. The first one focuses on economics. Here the corporation is seen as a mere instrument for wealth creation. The second group focuses on the social power of the corporation and its responsibility in the political arena associated with its power. The third group focuses on social integration. It includes theories which consider that business ought to integrate. In describing each theory, this article commences with an overview, followed by a brief historical background, including the milestones of its development. Then, it outlines the conceptual bases of the theory, concluding with a brief discussion on the strengths and weaknesses of each theory.


2010 ◽  
pp. 11-23
Author(s):  
Tomasz R. Aleksandrowicz

The article attempts to provide an answer to the query as to what role fell to the year 1968 in the development of terrorism. Being but one of its chapters, it was clearly not that of the beginning of terrorism. The author describes briefly the genesis of terrorism and points out that, after 1945, terrorism had returned to its revolutionary connotations, namely, to fighting the incumbent regime, as well as the colonial regimes. It was then that the concept was born of terrorism as a weapon of the weak and the poor, of those who got into trouble and of the oppressed, for whom reaching for the methods of terrorism reflected their desperation and dejection. From the end of the 1960s, together with the youth rebellion (in May 1968!), the political arena is entered by ideologically motivated groups for whom it is fighting the social and political system as such, rather than a specific regime, that has become the basic motivating factor. The circumstances which contributed to the emergence of post-1968 terrorist organisations and the process of radicalisation which led from the debates and public speeches to terrorism, are analysed by the author, who also points to the specific combination, in West Germany’s case, of 1968 and nationalism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 315-337
Author(s):  
Terry Hathaway

Accounts of neoliberalism have noted, but not fully explored, the neoliberal empowerment of corporations. The corporate power literature, similarly, rarely makes the connection between corporate agents and neoliberalism as a power structure. This article fills the gap between these literatures with a dual contribution. It develops these contributions by first reviewing the neoliberalism literature and in so doing, developing the idea of neoliberalism as a bricolage of practice and ideas. It then discusses the mischaracterization of the corporation within neoliberalism before deconstructing four core policy areas of neoliberalism – deregulation, non-intervention, free markets and free trade. In each policy area it is shown how the practice of these policies has enhanced the social and economic power of major corporations – thereby deepening practice-based accounts of neoliberalism – and how the discourse of these policies has empowered corporations in the political arena – thereby deepening the corporate power literature’s account of how corporations operate powerfully. More generally this article offers a much fuller account of how 40 years of ‘free market’ policies have resulted in the creation of oligopolistic corporate economies.


2019 ◽  
pp. 187-202
Author(s):  
Edward Aspinall

This concluding chapter focuses on the challenges faced by these different movements in postauthoritarian Indonesia. Having acknowledged the advances social movements have made individually and collectively, the chapter points to their structural weaknesses and failure to gain traction in the political arena as evidence of their enduring fragility. This fragility, it argues, is a product of the patterns that continue to dominate Indonesian society, namely clientelism, the reliance of extralegal means to achieve political outcomes, and the ever-growing strength of rival political movements, which seek to mobilize the disenfranchised for different, and often antiliberal, ends. This chapter contends that incrementalism is not sufficient in such circumstances if Indonesia's progressive social movements wish to prevail. Instead, the chapter concludes that they must continue to strive for “root-and-branch transformation of the social order,” with the goal of transforming Indonesia into a society based on ethical universalism, not particularism.


2016 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Helmes-Hayes

According to the conventional account of the history of English-Canadian sociology, the discipline was established in the 1920s at McGill, followed by developments at Dalhousie, Toronto and elsewhere. I dispute this account by documenting the substantial institutional footprint of so-called “social gospel” sociology in Canada’s Protestant universities and religious colleges, 1889-1921: courses taught; faculty appointments made; programs established. Between 1889 and 1921, 28 men, many of them clerics, taught sociology for two years or more in one of Canada’s English-language universities or Protestant denominational colleges. By 1921, 11 institutions offered sociology courses, 7 institutions had made a dedicated faculty appointment in sociology, and 8 institutions offered a program in sociology. In most cases, their teaching reflected the political – but not theological – principles of the social gospel. I argue that these men are the true pioneers of Canadian sociology and that we should rewrite the first chapter of Canadian sociology to give them their due.


Author(s):  
Ciprian Simuț

"The Social Gospel movement developed in a time of intense urbanization and industrialization. The social context, generated by economic and political mishandlings, generated social pressure, poverty, and abuse, mainly on the poor and working classes. The Social Gospel movement tried to address the issues by applying Christian principles to social structures, as a result of political and economic changes. The promoters of the movement aligned their view of the ideal society with the eschatological perspective of premillennialism. They argued that a society that eliminates social evil is the Kingdom of God fulfilled. The movement managed to draw attention to social injustice, and it even managed to offer several productive means of alleviating the social evils it fought against. Despite its positive effects, the movement was criticized for failing to address issues such as race and gender. In this paper, the aim is to offer an introductory description of the Social Gospel movement, as it was described in various critical writings. Keywords: Social Gospel, race, gender, social evil, Kingdom of God "


Author(s):  
Óliver Pérez-Latorre ◽  
Víctor Navarro-Remesal ◽  
Antonio José Planells de la Maza ◽  
Cristina Sánchez-Serradilla

How do the most popular video games in recent years contribute to the construction of the social imaginary of the Great Recession? The discursive struggles over the definition of crucial aspects of the recession such as austerity, the heroic ethos to face precariousness and being anti-establishment are being played not only in the political arena and ‘serious’ news genres but also in the narrations of popular culture and video games. Thus, critical analysis of the social resonances of video games on the Great Recession is a relevant exercise not only academically but also socially. To address this question, this article proposes an analysis of bestselling video games from 2009 to 2015, based on cultural studies and game studies. The analysis is organized in three case studies: (a) post-apocalyptic video games and their potential resonances regarding austerity and precariousness; (b) video games, neo-liberalism and counter neo-liberal views; and (c) video games and the representation of anti-establishment characters and rebel communities.


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