The different Merge positions of the different types of relative clauses

Author(s):  
Guglielmo Cinque
Author(s):  
Jan Terje Faarlund

In subordinate clauses, the C position is occupied by a complementizer word, which may be null. The finite verb stays in V. SpecCP is either empty or occupied by a wh-word, or by some other element indicating its semantic function. Nominal clauses are finite or non-finite. Finite nominal clauses are declarative or interrogative. Declarative nominal clauses may under specific circumstances have main clause word order (‘embedded V2’). Infinitival clauses are marked by an infinitive marker, which is either in C (Swedish), or immediately above V (Danish). Norwegian has both options. Relative clauses comprise several different types; clauses with a relativized nominal argument are mostly introduced by a complementizer; adverbial relative clauses relativize a locative or temporal phrase, with or without a complementizer; comparative clauses relativize a degree or identity. Under hard-to-define circumstances depending on language and region, subordinate clauses allow extraction of phrases up into the matrix clause.


Author(s):  
Juan Jesús Vázquez Álvarez ◽  
Jessica Coon

This chapter surveys headless relative clauses in Ch’ol, a Mayan language spoken in the state of Chiapas in southern Mexico. Ch’ol is rare among Mayan languages in possessing a special morpheme found with relativized nouns, the second position clitic = bä. While this morpheme is required for relativized argument nouns, it is not present in free relatives, which suggests a different derivation for this class of construction. Maximal (definite) and existential (indefinite) free relatives are described. They both make use of a fronted wh-expression and lack the morpheme = bä. Maximal and existential free relatives in Ch’ol appear identical to one another in structure. Following existing studies on other languages, it is argued that the different interpretations of these clauses are a result of the environments in which they appear. Finally, Ch’ol has two different types of constructions in which a determiner element is followed by a headless relative: one corresponding to the = bä structure and one corresponding to the free relative structure. The former is proposed to be a regular headed relative clause with an unpronounced head, as has elsewhere been argued for Yucatec. The latter, on the other hand, corresponds to a free relative structure with an added determiner element.


2010 ◽  
Vol 53 ◽  
pp. 211-225
Author(s):  
Kristina Riedel

This paper gives an overview of the morphology and syntax of Haya relative clause constructions. It extends previous work on this topic (Duranti, 1977) by incorporating data from a number of different dialects and by introducing new data on locative relative clauses. The dialects discussed in addition to the Kihanja data from Byarushengo et al. (1977) include Kiziba, Muleba and Bugabo dialects. Nyambo data taken from Rugemalira (2005) is also compared to Haya in places. The focus of the discussion is on the grammaticality of pronominal elements attached to the verb that refer back to the relativized entity with different types of relativized constituents in Haya. It is shown that there are differences between subjects, objects and locatives in terms of this kind of morphology inside the relative clause, as well as differences between these kinds of morphemes and resumptive pronouns.  


Author(s):  
Marco Coniglio ◽  
Roland Hinterhölzl ◽  
Svetlana Petrova

In this paper, Old High German mood alternations in the different types of subordinate clauses (complement, adverbial and relative clauses) are discussed. The use of the subjunctive in subordinate clauses is notoriously more frequent than in Modern German and has not yet been thoroughly investigated. Based on a comprehensive corpus study, the paper will show that the licensing conditions for the subjunctive in Old High German are determined by notions such as veridicality and – in relative contexts – specificity. These conditions are thus similar (but not always identical) to those observed for Modern Greek and Romance languages. Furthermore, a syntactic analysis is provided in order to account for the licensing of the subjunctive in each type of subordinate clause.


2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jürg Fleischer

This paper establishes a cross-dialectal typology of relative clauses in various German dialects and Yiddish according to their form and function. A great variety of different types of relativizers and relative clauses can be observed, including various pronouns, particles, and zero relatives. Combinations of these types occur, one of the most typical involving a resumptive element in a clause introduced by a particle. The Accessibility Hierarchy, a concept developed in typology, is used with great profit for this study. It turns out that for the German relativization system, a basic opposition between subject and direct object as opposed to oblique holds in virtually every variety, whereas the indirect object is much less stable. In the varieties observed, significantly more relative particles and resumptive elements occur as compared to Standard German, which turns out to be quite atypical.


2017 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 195-218
Author(s):  
Patrick Brandt ◽  
Eric Fuß

Abstract This paper investigates the conditions that govern the choice between the German neuter singular relative pronouns das ‘that’ and was ‘what’. We show that das requires a lexical head noun, while in all other cases was is usually the preferred option; therefore, the distribution of das and was is most successfully captured by an approach that does not treat was as an exception but analyzes it as the elsewhere case that applies when the relativizer fails to pick up a lexical gender feature from the head noun. We furthermore show how the non-uniform behavior of different types of nominalized adjectives (positives allow both options, while superlatives trigger was) can be attributed to semantic differences rooted in syntactic structure. In particular, we argue that superlatives select was due to the presence of a silent counterpart of the quantifier alles ‘all’ that is part of the superlative structure.


1994 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edoardo Lombardi Vallauri

Relative Clauses (RCs) have been described and classified according to many different criteria (Sect. 1). This article deals with the distinctions that can be observed within the variety of English RCs in terms of phonological shape, syntactic structure, semantic content, presuppositions and thematic structure of the utterance. A classification of RCs is proposed, which is based upon criteria of all different levels (Sect. 2). The aim is to provide a way to characterize as precisely as possible the functional features of any RC in correlation with its formal features. The classification is then applied to an analysis of the often stated equivalence between RCs and other kinds of linguistic constituents, leading to the recognition of the different types of RCs that are functionally equivalent to adjectives, participles, prepositional phrases and coordinated sentences (Sect. 3). A further application proposed is the comparison between the functional and formal features of English and Italian RCs (Sect. 4).


2002 ◽  
Vol 25 (6) ◽  
pp. 676-677
Author(s):  
José Luis Bermudez

The hypothesis in the target paper is that the cognitive function of language lies in making possible the integration of different types of domain-specific information. The case for this hypothesis must consist, at least in part, of a constructive proposal as to what feature or features of natural language allows this integration to take place. This commentary suggests that the vital linguistic element is the relative pronoun and the possibility it affords of forming relative clauses.


Linguistics ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Law

AbstractFour superficially different types of Tagalog relative clauses (head-initial, head-final and internally headed and headless) are argued to have the same D CP underlying structure and derivation. It is suggested that the head noun raises to SpecCP (


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