scholarly journals Repensar la democracia. Estrategia moral y perspectiva crítica en K.O.APEL

Daímon ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 75-89
Author(s):  
Domingo Viente García Marzá

El objetivo de este artículo es mostrar la actualidad de algunas de las aportaciones más importantes de K.O.Apel a la reflexión democrática, en concreto a la relación entre ética y democracia. Para este objetivo compararemos estas aportaciones con las de J.Habermas, compañero de viaje en la propuesta de la ética del discurso. Comprobaremos cómo nuestro autor supo avanzar y justificar la necesidad de una estrategia moral, más aún, de una arquitéctonica de la razón práctica que relacione fundamentación y aplicación. Solo así se puede dar razón de la perspectiva crítica tanto en la fundamentación de la idea de democracia como en la aplicación del principio moral a las instituciones que componen el sistema democrático. The aim of this paper is to show the actuality of K.O. Apel's most important contributions to democratic reflection, specifically the relationship between ethics and democracy. For this purpose, we will compare these contributions with those of J. Habermas, his colleague in the discourse ethics approach. We will see how our author achieved an advance in the justification of the need for a moral strategy, even more so for an architectural theory of practical reason hich includes the conditions of its application. Only in this way we can give a reason for the critical perspective, both in the foundation of the idea of democracy and in the application of the moral principle to the institutions that make up the democratic system.

2008 ◽  
Vol 2008 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Kersting

Within the Kantian ethics consciousness of the moral principle is a fact of reason which cannot be grounded in any antecedent data, empirical or rational. Hegel however argues that the fact of reason is necessarily embedded in the fact of „Sittlichkeit“, that a pure reason is an empty and chimerical construction, that moral knowledge is unavoidably rootet in the contingent moral convictions of the given cultural and social environment. This essay defends Hegel’s critique of Kant’s moral philosophy and – by generalizing Hegel’s hermeneutic approach – sketches the outlines of an explicatory concept of ethics which contradicts the scientistic understanding of moral philosophy characteristic for Kant, the utilitarianism and the supporters of discourse ethics likewise.


Multilingua ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 269-275
Author(s):  
Martina Zimmermann ◽  
Sebastian Muth

AbstractIn this special issue, we bring together empirical research that takes a critical perspective on the relationship between language learning and individual aspirations for future success. In doing so we aim to initiate a debate on how neoliberal ideology and mode of governance permeate language learning as part of a wider neoliberal project that postulates the ideal of the competitive and self-responsible language learner. The four contributions illustrate how neoliberal desires about entrepreneurial selves play out differently within different social, political, or linguistic contexts. They do not only address different languages individuals supposedly need to teach or acquire for a successful future within a specific context, but also concentrate on the discourses and social relations shaping these entrepreneurial aspirations. Ranging from vocational training in Japan, early education in Singapore, healthcare tourism in India, to higher education in Switzerland, the contributions all illustrate the role of language as part of the struggle to improve either oneself or others. While the research sites illustrate that investments in language are simultaneously promising and risky and as such dependent on local and global linguistic markets, they equally highlight underlying language ideologies and reveal wider structures of inequality that are firmly embedded in local, national and global contexts.


Author(s):  
Catalina Cortes Severino

RESUMENLa relación entre memoria y democracia, promovida en las últimas décadas por algunos Estados, se basa en las ideas de “justicia”, “reconciliación” y “reparación” dentro de marcos planteados institucionalmente que buscan el consenso, la “normalización” y el “cierre” de la crisis que se ha vivido. Me interesa en particular acercarme desde una perspectiva crítica –a través de la función de las imágenes en la creación de sentido y producción de conocimiento– a este momento transicional para explorar los huecos, los residuos y las fallas del discurso de normalización social y política que lo componen.PALABRAS CLAVES Imagen-tiempo, memoria, violencia, procesos transicionales, políticas del tiempo y de lo visual.KAWAIKUNA MASKASPA SUGNEGTA KAUSAIMANDA SUGLLAPI Kai iskai kawachikuna llullai; kausai rurankuna kai watakunapi maikakuna Kawaspa imam rurangapkunkuna “ Allilla Kuusangapa tukuikuna” kunauramanda Tukuikunawa chasa ruranakuni kai rijú kawariska tukurrengapa. Nuka munare iachanga imasa cunawarra rurangapa kankuna, Kawangapa Atun llike, man ministikakunata sitaska imasam parlangapakankuna Tukui kunata.IMA SUTI RIMAI SIMI: Kawai- kaugsai- llullai- jiru kausai- kunaurra- tukui kawankuna.IMAGES IN THE SEARCH OF OTHER MEANINGS OF PRESENT HISTORY ABSTRACT The relationship between memory and democracy, promoted in recent decades by some governments, is based on the ideas of “justice”, “reconciliation” and “repair” within institutional frameworks that seek consensus, “normalization” and a “closure” for the crisis that has occurred. I am particularly concerned with approaching from a critical perspective –through the role of images in the creation of meaning and production of knowledge– this transitional moment, in order to explore the gaps, residues and failures in the discourse of social and political normalization that composes it.KEYWORDS Image-time, memory, violence, transitional processes, policies of time and the visual. t “Paisajes Afrocaucanos: la caña de azúcar, la finca tradicional y los afectos alimenticios”. Proyecto Imperativos Verdes Campesinos 2014 - 2015, CEEP - Centro de Estudios en Ecología Política. Fotografía: Camila CamachoIMAGES DANS LA RECHERCHE D’UN AUTRE SENS DE L’HISTOIRE DU PRÉSENT RÉSUMÉ La relation entre la mémoire et la démocratie, promue au cours des dernières décennies par certains états, est basée sur les idées de la «justice», la «réconciliation» et la «réparation» dans des cadres institutionnels qui recherchent le consensus, la «normalisation» et la « fin » de la crise qui a eu lieu. Je suis particulièrement intéressé par une approche à partir d’un point de vue critique –grâce à la fonction des images dans la création de sens et la production de connaissances– de cette période de transition pour explorer les interstices, les déchets et les échecs du discours social de la normalisation politique qui s’y trouve.MOTS CLÉS Image-temps, mémoire, violence, processus de transition, politiques du temps et du visuel.IMAGENS NA BUSCA DE OUTROS SENTIDOS DA HISTÓRIA DO PRESENTE RESUMO A relação entre memória e democracia, promovida nas últimas décadas por alguns Estados, se baseia nas idéias de “justicia”, (justiça), “reconciliación” (reconciliação) e “reparación” (reparação) dentro dos marcos planejados institucionalmente que procuram o consenso, a “normalización” (normalização) e o “cierre” (Fecho) da crise que se tem vivido. Interessa em particular aproximar-me a través da função das imagens na criação do sentido e produção de conhecimento a este momento transacional para pesquisar os buracos, os resíduos, e as falhas do discurso da normalização social e política que a compõem.PALAVRAS CHAVES Imagem-tempo, memória, violência, processos transacionais, políticas do tempo e do visual.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Athoilah Islamy ◽  
Sansan Ziaul Haq

Abstract: one of the big issue that is still debatable about the relationship between Islam and politics is how legitimate the democratic political system is in the paradigm of Islamic law. This study will explain the alternative paradigm in evaluating the democratic system based on the paradigm of Islamic law from a prominent Muslim intellectual named Yusuf al-Qaradawi. This research is a qualitative research in the form of literature review. The primary source used is a variety of literature that explains Yusuf al-Qaradawi's thoughts about democracy in Islam. The method used is the method of interpreting the thoughts of the figures with the maqasid al-shari‘ah approach. There are two big conclusions of this research. First, Yusuf al-Qaradawi's view of democracy can be said to be grounded in its epistemological foundation in understanding the concept of an Islamic state. For al-Qaradawi, an Islamic state is a system of government that provides policy improvisation space in the benefit of social, economic and political life based on the objectives of Islamic law (maqasid shari'ah). Second, Yusuf al-Qaradawi's view, the democratic system can be compatible with Islam if the principles in the democratic system are in accordance with various values which are the spirit of the objectives of Islamic law (maqasid shari'ah), such as the value of justice, equality of rights, freedom, etc. so. To realize this, the democratic system must carry a holistic vision and mission, which includes worldly and ukhrawi benefits as well as individual and social benefits.       Keywords: Validity, democracy, Yusuf al-Qaradawi, maqasid shari’ah; 


Author(s):  
Peter Smuk

<p>La regulación de los partidos políticos parece un tema ligeramente descuidado en la literatura constitucional húngara. Así, a pesar de que hay un gran número de cuestiones que deben analizarse y entenderse en los ámbitos de la democracia representativa, en el sistema electoral y en la financiación de los partidos, derivadas de las particularidades del cambio del régimen político, y que hace necesaria la interpretación de nuestro sistema político actual. Un análisis sustantivo de estas cuestiones en términos de derecho constitucional (y desde las ciencias políticas) podría contribuir a una mejor comprensión de la democracia representativa húngara, el estado constitucional, así como la relación entre la sociedad civil y el Estado. En este documento voy a ofrecer una visión general de las normas constitucionales relativas a los partidos políticos europeos y comparar la redacción de la Ley Fundamental de Hungría con las normas constitucionales creadas en 1989.</p><p>The regulation of political parties seems a slightly neglected topic in the Hungarian constitutional literature. It is so despite the fact that there are a large number of questions to be analysed and understood in the fields of representative democracy, election system and party financing arising from the particularities of the change of the political regime, the recent constitution-making or the necessary interpretation of our current political system. A substantive analysis of these questions in terms of constitutional law (and political science) could contribute to a better understanding of the Hungarian representative democracy, constitutional state as well as the relationship between civil society and the state. In this paper I will provide a rough overview of constitutional rules relating to European political parties and compare the wording of the Fundamental Law of Hungary with the constitutional rules created in 1989.</p><div> </div>


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Teresa Sierra

La policía comunitaria es una institución de los pueblos indígenas de Guerrero conocida por su capacidad para enfrentar a la delincuencia y generar alternativas de paz social., através de un sistema de justicia y seguridad autónomo. En los últimos años, sin embargo, el sistema comunitario enfrenta el acoso de actores diversos vinculados al incremento de la violencia y la inseguridad que se vive en el país y especialmente en el estado de Guerrero; dicha situación está impactando a la institucionalidad comunitaria, obligando a su redefinición. En este trabajo destaco aspectos centrales de dicha conflictividad así como las respuestas que han dado los comunitarios para hacer frente a las tareas de justicia y seguridad en el marco de nuevos contextos marcados por el despojo neoliberal y la impunidad de actores estatales y no estatales. En este proceso se actualiza la relación de la policía comunitaria con el Estado revelando el peso de la ambigüedad legal y los juegos del poder así como los usos contra-hegemónicos del derecho para disputar la justicia. ---SEGURANÇA E JUSTIÇA SOB ACOSSO EM TEMPOS DE VIOLÊNCIA NEOLIBERAL: respostas do policiamento comunitário de GuerreroO policiamento comunitário é uma instituição dos Povos Indígenas do Guerrero conhecidos por sua capacidade de lidar com o crime e gerar paz social de forma alternativa, usando um sistema próprio de justiça e segurança. Nos últimos anos, no entanto, o sistema da UE enfrenta assédio de várias autoridades envolvidas no aumento da violência e da insegurança que reina no país e, especialmente, no estado de Guerrero; essa situação está afetando as instituições comunitárias, forçando a sua redefinição. Neste artigo, destaco os principais aspectos do conflito e as respostas que têm a comunidade para lidar com as tarefas da justiça e da segurança no contexto dos novos contextos marcados por pilhagem neoliberal e a impunidade de atores estatais e não estatais. Neste processo, a relação de policiamento comunitário com o estado é atualizada, revelando o peso da ambiguidade e dos jogos de poder legais, além de usos contra-hegemônicos do direito de disputar a justiça.Palavras-chave: violência neoliberal; Guerrero; comunidades indígenas---SECURITY AND JUSTICE UNDER HARASSMENT IN TIMES OF NEOLIBERAL VIOLENCE: responses of the Community Police of GuerreroThe community police is an institution of the Indigenous Peoples of Guerrero known for its ability to deal with crime and generate alternatives for social peace, using a system of justice and self security. In recent years, however, the EU system faces harassment from various people responsible for the increase of violence and insecurity within the country and especially in the state in Guerrero; this situation is impacting instituitions in the community, forcing their redefinition. In this paper I highlight key aspects of the conflict and the community's responses to deal with the tasks of justice and security in new contexts marked by neoliberal plunder and impunity of the state (as well as non state figures). In this process, the relationship of the community police with the state is updated revealing the weight of legal ambiguity and power plays, as well as counter-hegemonic use of the right to dispute justice.key words: neoliberal vilence; Guerrero; indigenous people.


2013 ◽  
Vol 95 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Reed Winegar

Abstract: A familiar post-Kantian criticism contends that Kant enslaves sensibility under the yoke of practical reason. Friedrich Schiller advanced a version of this criticism to which Kant publicly responded. Recent commentators have emphasized the role that Kant’s reply assigns to the pleasure that accompanies successful moral action. In contrast, I argue that Kant’s reply relies primarily on the sublime feeling that arises when we merely contemplate the moral law. In fact, the pleasures emphasized by other recent commentators depend on this sublime feeling. These facts illuminate Kant’s views regarding the relationship between morality, freedom, and the development of moral feelings.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anton Danailov ◽  

The report compares the form-formation principles, key to the architecture of the Wexner Center for the Visual Arts (1983/89) Columbus, Ohio – of the American Peter Eisenmann – with some of the techniques used in the spatial – compositional solution of the destroyed Sofia monument “1300 Years Bulgaria” (1980/81–2017). The text refers to the 80’s of the twentieth century and the creative approaches, distinctive for some of the lastest „large-scale monuments“ realized in Bulgaria. These approaches are considered in the light of one opened architectural theory, absolutely oppositional to the one typical to our country at this time. The comparison aims to are to expand, within this date, the scope of the spatial-artistic analysis, committed to the relationship between the architecture, sculpture and the surrounding environment.


2020 ◽  
pp. 21-48
Author(s):  
Herman Wasserman

This chapter clarifies key concepts and theoretical frameworks and explains how they will be used to build the book’s central arguments. The chapter asks questions such as: What is meant by “the media”? How is conflict defined? What are the links between media and conflict? Is there a causal relationship between the mediatization of conflict and its outcomes? The chapter also introduces the question of the applicability of normative frameworks inherited from established Western democracies to African societies going through transitions from authoritarianism to democracy. The relationship between media, conflict, and democratization is a complex one that can be approached from different angles. This chapter considers three of these angles—the critical perspective, the contestation perspective, and the cultural perspective.


Author(s):  
Pedro Francisco Ramos Josa

El presente artículo tiene por objeto analizar la finalidad y utilidad de la institución del Colegio Electoral en el sistema político de Estados Unidos. Para dicho propósito haré un repaso histórico de los orígenes constitucionales del Colegio Electoral, seguido de una descripción de su evolución a lo largo de más de 200 años de existencia, finalizando con un análisis de su influencia en el resultado de las últimas elecciones presidenciales del pasado 8 de noviembre de 2016. Por último, y teniendo en cuenta todo lo anterior, valoraré la relación entre el Colegio Electoral y la democracia estadounidense.It is the object of the present article to analyze the purpose and usefulness of the institution of the Electoral College in the United States political system. For that purpose I will make a historical review of the Electoral College constitutional origins, followed by a description of its evolution throughout more than 200 years of existence, to conclude with a review of the main arguments for and against the Electoral College. Finally, and bearing in mind the aforementioned, I will assess the relationship between the Electoral College and the American democracy.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document