scholarly journals Is the press presenting (neoliberal) foreign residency laws in a depoliticised way? The case of investment visas and the reconfiguring of citizenship

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 748-766
Author(s):  
Tânia R. Santos ◽  
Paula Castro ◽  
Rita Guerra

Neoliberalism calls upon the social sciences to explore how legal innovations – new laws and policies – incorporating neoliberal values are presented to the citizenry. An example are investment visas, a new legal instrument regulating foreign residency. Investment visas reconfigure citizenship by prioritising neoliberal values, by privileging economic capital over labour and over place-and-community involvement in the host country. They also create sub-groups within a same migrant community. The press can present these changes by highlighting how they involve choices among competing values, stimulating debate, or it can hide such choices, offering a depoliticised coverage of the issue. This paper explores how investment visas were presented to the Portuguese public by the press, in connection with the Chinese, its main beneficiary community. The analysis is two-fold: first, a thematic analysis focuses on the representation of the Chinese in two newspapers (n = 525 articles), exploring whether it differentiates the investment visa sub-group within the Chinese community; second, a content analysis examines whether the law’s transformations to citizenship are presented in a depoliticised way (n = 164 articles). Findings indicate that the press shows Chinese investment visa beneficiaries as disconnected from other representations of the Chinese. Additionally, the investment visa laws are presented in a depoliticised way: one (uncontested) perspective is privileged, emphasizing their benefits. Conflicting values are almost absent, and the deterritorialised aspect of citizenship is left unproblematized. We conclude by discussing the implications of this type of coverage in shaping social debate and for the socio-psychological study of legal innovations and of citizenship.

2019 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 165-170
Author(s):  
Aleksey V.  Lomonosov

The article reveals the social significance of determining the political views of V.V. Rozanov in the system of the thinker’s worldview. The correlation of these views with his political journalism is shown. The genesis of social and political ideas of V.V. Rozanov is revealed. The author specifies his ideological predecessors in the sphere of public thought of the late 19th century and the thinker’s affiliation with the conservative political camp of Russian writers. The author of the article also gives coverage of the V.V. Rozanov’s polemical publications in the press. He outlines the circle of political sympathies and determinative constants in the political views of Rozanov-publicist and proves his commitment to the centrist political parties. The author examines the process of Rozanov’s socio-political views evolution at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries, and the related changes in his political journalism. The evaluations are based on the large layer of Rozanov’s newspaper publicism in the years of 1905–1917. To determine the Rozanov’s position in the “New time” journal editorial office and to reveal the motives of his political essays the author of the article used epistola


Author(s):  
Ю.В. Ковалева

Представлен историографический анализ развития понятия большие социальные группы и историко-психологический анализ социальных феноменов , связанных с массовыми общественными явлениями в России. Сформулированы актуальные проблемы психологии больших социальных групп, к которым относятся неоднородность оснований для их выделения, недостаточная дифференцированность со сходными понятиями, неравномерность исследований в различные временные периоды и идеологическая нагруженность их разработки. Данная работа была ответом на необходимость восполнения знаний о процессах в таких группах, происходивших в различные исторические периоды развития социальной психологии, с соответствующим им уровнем научного осмысления, а также обобщением этой целостной картины на уровне современного понимания и формулировка перспективных направлений исследований. Целью исследования является установление связи между определением и основными свойствами понятия «большие социальные группы» (его синонимов, аналогов) и особенностями социальной ситуации в определенный период времени, а также реконструкция социальных процессов данного исторического этапа. Проверялась гипотеза о том, что большие социальные группы как феномены социальной жизни формировались в соответствии с историческим временем, а соответствующее им понятие и его свойства с одной стороны отвечали уровню развития гуманитарного знания, а с другой - пытались удовлетворить общественный и политический запрос в объяснении и управлении социальной ситуацией. Использовались методы историографии социальной психологии и психолого-исторической реконструкции . Первая часть статьи посвящена анализу первых двух этапов развития социальной психологии - с середины XIX до начала XX вв. и в 1920-е гг. XX в. The historiographic analysis of the development of the concept of large social groups and historical and psychological study of social phenomena associated with mass social phenomena was presented. Topical problems of the psychology of large social groups are formulated, including heterogeneity of the grounds for their isolation, insufficient differentiation with similar concepts, uneven research in various periods, and ideological loading of the history of its development. The study's main problem was the need to replenish the processes in such groups that took place in various historical periods of social psychology development as well as a synthesis of this holistic picture at the level of modern understanding and the formulation of promising areas of research. The study's purpose was to establish a connection between the definition and the basic properties of the concept of "large social groups" (and its synonyms, analogs) and the peculiarities of the social situation in a certain period, as well as the reconstruction of social processes of this historical segment. The hypothesis was tested that large social groups as phenomena of social life were formed under the past time. The concept and its properties were corresponding to them, on the one hand, compared to the level of development of humanitarian knowledge. On the other, they tried to satisfy the social and political requests to understand and manage the social situation. Methods of the historiography of the history of social psychology and psychological and historical reconstruction were used. The article's first part was devoted to the analysis of the early two stages of the development of social psychology - from the middle of the XIX to the beginning of the XX centuries and 1920 of the XX century.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
V.A. Shorokhova ◽  
O.E. Khukhlaev ◽  
S.B. Dagbayeva

The paper describes results of a social psychological study on religious identity in Buddhist schoolchil- dren. The study involved 184 students of 9—10 classes of a school in the Aginskoye settlement (Aginsky Buryatsky Okrug, Zabaykalsky Krai). According to G. Allport’s concept and R. Gorsuch & S. McPherson measurements, religious identity is considered not only as practicing Buddhism, but as a complex social psychological formation with a four-factor structure base on the following scales: personal/social and in- trinsic/extrinsic. Different components of religious identity are explored in the context of their relation- ship with value orientations (as described by S. Schwartz and G. Hofstede). The following techniques were employed: the adapted version of D. Van Camp’s Individual/Social Religious Identity Measure, Schwartz’s Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ-R2), and Hofstede’s Values Survey Module. As it was revealed, al- most all values related to various components of religious identity of the Buddhist adolescents refer to the social focus. The paper concludes that religious identity in modern Buddhist young people has a distinctive social character.


Author(s):  
Alberto Colin Huizar

En distintos estados de la república mexicana existen proyectos educativos colectivos que en mayor o menor medida se erigen en las aulas de las escuelas públicas de nivel básico fomentando la vinculación comunitaria, el trabajo basado en la colectividad y el impulso de la participación activa de los sujetos educativos. El sentido político y epistémico de los proyectos educativos locales a contracorriente de la educación oficial nacional, se acompaña de los proyectos que persiguen los pueblos y agrupaciones magisteriales, mediante la construcción de sus propios saberes y experiencias a partir de las cuales despliegan estrategias para la apropiación social de la escuela. Dichas alternativas escolares conforman un emergente escenario de acción colectiva donde diversas expresiones de la Coordinadora Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación sintetizan sus proyectos político-educativos. Este artículo se propone revisar desde una metodología etnográfica de las interacciones en el ámbito escolar, cómo dichas iniciativas se implementan en el territorio educativo y cuáles son los principales desafíos en la compleja tarea de resistir al modelo convencional de la escuela del Estado para ponerla al servicio de las luchas magisteriales y populares. Los hallazgos de estas experiencias de educación alternativa constituyen insumos significativos para repensar la forma en que distintos actores sociales recuperan el espacio escolar para alimentar sus propios proyectos de sociedad y transformación sociopolítica que enarbolan a partir de su praxis en el campo educativo. ABSTRACT In different states of the Mexican Republic there are collective educational projects that, to a greater or lesser extent, are set up in public school classrooms at the basic level, promoting community involvement, work based on collectivity and the promotion of active participation by educational subjects. The political and epistemic meaning of local educational projects that go against the grain of official national education is accompanied by the projects pursued by the people and teachers’ groups, through the construction of their own knowledge and experiences from which they deploy strategies for the social appropriation of the school. These school alternatives form an emerging scenario of collective action where diverse expressions of the National Coordinator of Education Workers synthesize their political-educational projects. This article proposes to review, from an ethnographic methodology, the interactions in the school environment, how these initiatives are implemented in the educational territory and what are the main challenges in the complex task of resisting the conventional model of the state school in order to put it at the service of the teachers’ and popular struggles. The findings of these experiences of alternative education constitute significant inputs for rethinking the way in which different social actors recover the school space to feed their own projects of society a


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
James Keating

<p>This thesis investigates the attitudes of New Zealand newspapers to the social and economic tensions exacerbated by the emergence of a newly assertive labour movement in 1890, culminating in the August-November Maritime Strike, and the 5 December General Election. Through detailed analysis of labour reporting in six newspapers (Evening Post, Grey River Argus, Lyttelton Times, New Zealand Herald, Otago Daily Times, Press) this thesis examines contemporary conceptions of New Zealand society and editors’ expectations of trade unions in a colony that emphasised its egalitarian mythology. Although the establishment of a national press agency in 1880 homogenised the distribution of national and international news, this study focuses on local news and editorial columns, which generally reflected proprietors’ political leanings. Through these sites of ideological contest, conflicting representations of the ascendant trade union movement became apparent. While New Zealand newspapers sympathised with the striking London dockers in 1889, the advent of domestic industrial tensions provoked a wider range of reactions in the press. Strikes assumed a national significance, and the divisions between liberal and conservative newspapers narrowed. To varying degrees both considered militant action by organised labour a threat to the colony’s peace and prosperity – sentiments that pervaded their reporting. The New Zealand Maritime Strike confirmed these prejudices and calcified the perception of organised labour’s malevolence. Despite the year’s upheavals, this thesis contends that the press struggled to comprehend labour’s political ambitions, ignoring the unprecedented mobilisation of thousands of new voters, shifting public opinion, and the transformative impact of electoral reform. Distracted by the mainstream political obsession with land reform and convinced that public prejudices, stoked by their own reporting, would obviate a labour presence in the new parliament, the victory of the Liberal-labour coalition confounded the publishing establishment.</p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 110-129
Author(s):  
Matteo Avogaro

In recent years, the increasing process of digitization has gradually blurred the boundaries between work and private life. Therefore, new issues concerning workers’ protection arose. One of the main topics on this matter is related to employees’ tendency to utilize technological devices, as smartphones and tablets, to remain “connected” to their job outside ordinary business hours. In relation to this aspect, the paper addresses the debate and juridical solutions proposed and developed in France, through the Loi El Khomri, and in Italy, with the law No. 81/2017 recently approved by Parliament, to introduce a right (and/or an obligation) to disconnect in favour of digitized employees, and in order to protect workers’ private life, preventing diseases related to risk of burnout and the augmentation of stress. Furthermore, the analysis will be focused on the social debate related to the abovementioned topic. In particular, it will concern the positions assumed on this matter by main workers’ and employers’ organizations of the said countries, and their reactions to the initiatives undertaken by legislators, in order to realize a first evaluation concerning the impact of the solutions proposed. Afterwards, the attention will be cantered on praxis and tools introduced by collective agreements, in order to verify whether social partners have been able to find more efficient methods to balance work and private life, than the ones suggested by legislators. The outcome of the paper is referred to the actions that ILO could assume, on the base of the experience developed in France and in Italy, to address the future global issue of protecting employees’ work-life balance.


1969 ◽  
pp. 475 ◽  
Author(s):  
William A. W. Neilson

The last ten years have been an extraordinary period with respect to legislation in the area of small claims dispute resolution. The author outlines how various provinces have reformed and experimented with their small claims courts to better suit the needs of the consumer. The costs and benefits of these reforms are analyzed with the competing values of diversity and uniformity in mind, The author examines the social policy behind these issues from several perspectives, including that of the potential litigant, judge and taxpayer.


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-165
Author(s):  
Marcin Kotras

This article concerns discourse in the 4th Republic and its role in creating the divisions and cleavages of Polish society. The author analyzes the argumentation strategies used by the press supporting the government and its so-called “good change” (the weeklies Sieci and Uważam Rze, which were published in the years 2012–2017). He concentrates on selected rhetorical practices such as labeling, categorization, and discrimination, and determines that the center of the argumentation strategy of the weeklies analyzed is a discursively constructed division between the “elites” and the “masses” ordinary people”). This type of strategy allows the building of a Me-Them dichotomy, which serves not only to strengthen divisions but also to de-legitimize the social space of the 3rd Republic and give legitimacy to the “good change” of the 4th Republic. These activities are exemplified by the manner in which the writers in opinion-forming weeklies describe and explain selected topics and events, such as the Round Table Talks or the migration crisis. The author finds that in the argumentation strategies analyzed, the “nation” is understood as an exclusive community defined from an essentialist perspective. He relates these and other findings to the problem of the new, simplified form of political rivalry and contemporary election campaigns.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nils Jensen

Even in an industrialised and service-based economy, agriculture is and remains a sector that is particularly worthy of protection and that operates not only in its own interest, but also in the interest of the general public. However, the social debate shows that the advantages and disadvantages of agriculture are not balanced on every farm. The study deals with the public interest in the privileged treatment of agriculture, i.e. the question of what justifies the special treatment of agriculture and what is "agriculture" in this sense.


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