scholarly journals Comentario de los autos del Tribunal Supremo de 17 de octubre y 6 y 27 de noviembre de 2014, relativos a la ley de consultas populares y la «consulta popular no referendaria sobre el futuro político de Cataluña»

2016 ◽  
pp. 595
Author(s):  
Estela Gilbaja Cabrero
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
The People ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The Right

El Parlamento catalán aprobó en 2014 una Ley de consultas populares. Anteriormente, en 2013, había aprobado una Declaración de soberanía y del derecho a decidir del pueblo de Cataluña. Basándose en los citados documentos, el Presidente de la Generalitat convocó una «consulta popular no referendaria sobre el futuro político de Cataluña», que tendría lugar el 9 de noviembre de 2014. No se llegó a celebrar porque el Tribunal Constitucional decretó su suspensión, ya que el Gobierno había impugnado ante él la Ley, la Declaración y el Decreto de Convocatoria. La Generalitat, una asociación y dos particulares entendieron que los recursos del Gobierno fueron una intromisión en los derechos de los catalanes y acudieron al Tribunal Supremo. El presente trabajo estudia los Autos del Tribunal Supremo que les dan respuesta.Catalan Parliament approved in 2014 a Popular Enquiry Act. Previously, in 2013, they had approved a Declaration of Sovereignty and the right to decide of the people of Catalonia. Based on these documents, the President of the regional Government called to a «non-referendum popular enquiry about the political future of Catalonia», which would be held on November 9, 2014. It did not get to celebrate because the Constitutional Court ordered its suspension, as the central Government had impugned the Act, the Declaration and the Decree calling for the enquiry. The regional Government, an association and two people thought those impugnations were an intrusion on the Catalans’ rights and went before the Supreme Court. This paper studies the reply of the Supreme Court.

scholarly journals Kedudukan Peraturan Daerah Yang Dibatalkan Oleh Keputusan Menteri Dalam Negeri Setelah Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 137/PUU-XIII/2015

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-113
Author(s):  
Rahmat Qadri Nasrun ◽  
Husni Djalil ◽  
Efendi Efendi
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Research Data ◽  
Court Decision ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Legal Research ◽  
The Supreme Court

Pada tahun 2016 Menteri Dalam Negeri membatalkan 3.143 Peraturan Daerah bermasalah. Kemudian pada tahun 2017 Mahkamah Konstitusi mengeluarkan sebuah Putusan yang mencabut kewenangan Menteri Dalam Negeri untuk membatalkan Peraturan Daerah. Akan tetapi masih ada Pemerintah Daerah yang melaksanakan Peraturan Daerah yang dibatalkan oleh Menteri Dalam Negeri sebelum keluarnya Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi. Penelitian ini bertujuan, untuk menganalisis kekuatan eksekutorial Keputusan Menteri Dalam Negeri yang membatalkan peraturan daerah sebelum Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi serta untuk menganalisis kedudukan peraturan daerah yang dibatalkan oleh Keputusan Menteri Dalam Negeri yang masih dilaksanakan oleh Pemerintah Daerah setelah Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian hukum normatif. Sumber data penelitian adalah data sekunder yang terdiri dari bahan hukum primer, bahan hukum sekunder dan bahan hukum tertier. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa pertama. Menteri Dalam Negeri masih dapat melaksanakan Keputusan untuk membatalkan Peraturan Daerah karena Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi tidak berlaku surut, namun idealnya yang lebih berhak membatalkan Peraturan Daerah adalah Mahkamah Agung. Kedua, Kedudukan Peraturan Daerah yang dibatalkan oleh Keputusan Menteri Dalam Negeri yang masih dilaksanakan oleh Pemerintah Daerah setelah dikeluarkannya Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi maka Peraturan Daerah tersebut tidak langsung batal karena ada mekanisme yang harus dilakukan yaitu pencabutan. Selama belum ada pencabutan, maka Peraturan Daerah dimaksud tetap ada tetapi tidak bisa dilaksanakan. Disarankan kepada Pemerintah Pusat agar merevisi Undang-Undang Nomor 23 Tahun 2014 khususnya pasal yang mengatur tentang pembatalan Peraturan Daerah dan apabila mengeluarkan suatu peraturan perundang-undangan harus berpedoman pada hierarki peraturan perundang-undangan yang berlaku saat itu.In 2016 the Minister of Home Affairs canceled 3,143 problematic Regional Regulations. Then in 2017 the Constitutional Court issued a Decision revoking the authority of the Minister of Home Affairs to cancel the Regional Regulation. However, there are still Regional Governments who carry out Regional Regulations that have been canceled by the Minister of Home Affairs before the decision of the Constitutional Court is issued. This study aims to analyze the executorial power of the Decree of the Minister of Home Affairs which overturned regional regulations before the Constitutional Court Decision and to analyze the position of regional regulations which were canceled by the Decree of the Minister of Home Affairs which was still implemented by the Regional Government after the Constitutional Court Decision. The research method used is normative legal research. The source of research data is secondary data consisting of primary legal materials, secondary legal materials and tertiary legal materials. The results of the study indicate that : first, The Minister of Home Affairs can still implement the Decision to cancel Regional Regulations because the Constitutional Court Decision does not apply retroactively, but ideally the more entitled to cancel Regional Regulations is the Supreme Court. Second, the position of the Regional Regulation which was canceled by the Decree of the Minister of Home Affairs which is still carried out by the Regional Government after the issuance of the Constitutional Court Decision, the Regional Regulation is not immediately canceled because there is a mechanism that must be done, namely revocation. As long as there has been no revocation, then the Regional Regulation in question still exists but cannot be implemented. It is recommended to the Central Government to revise Act. No. 23 Year 2014 specifically the articles governing the cancellation of Regional Regulations and when issuing a law and regulation must be guided by the hierarchy of legislation in force at that time.

scholarly journals Pergeseran Rezim Sistem Pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 361-376
Author(s):  
Ahmad Mirza Safwandy ◽  
Husni Jalil ◽  
Moh Nur Rasyid
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Dispute Resolution ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Resolution System ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Election System ◽  
Electoral Regime ◽  
Election Fraud ◽  
Dispute Resolution System

Penelitian ini bertujuan menguraikan pergeseran sistem pemilihan kepala daerah dari rezim pemilihan umum ke rezim Pemerintahan Daerah. Pergeseran ini berdampak kepada peralihan kewenangan penyelesaian sengketa dari Mahkamah Konstitusi ke Mahkamah Agung sebagai konsekuensi Putusan MK Nomor 97/PUU–XI/2013. Putusan MK berimpilikasi kepada sistem pemilihan kepala daerah (Pilkada) yang berada di rezim pemilihan umum beralih ke rezim pemerintahan daerah, setelah putusan tersebut undang-undang mengamanatkan pembentukan peradilan khusus Pilkada yang berada di bawah kekuasaan Mahkamah Agung. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan yuridis normatif dengan bertumpu pada studi dokumen berupa bahan hukum. Penelitian menyimpulkan bahwa meski tidak lagi menjadi kewenangan MK untuk mengadili perkara Pilkada, MK masih mengadili sengketa Pilkada hingga peradilan khusus Pilkada terbentuk. Peradilan khusus Pilkada selain mengadili sengketa hasil dapat mengadili sengketa proses, terkait sengketa administrasi Pilkada, sengketa Pidana Pilkada termasuk mengadili perihal election fraud dan corrupt campaign practice. Sistem penyelesaian sengketa Pilkada dilakukan melalui satu atap, sehingga tidak terjadi tumpang tindih putusan seperti yang terjadi selama ini. Shifting of Regime on Regional  Election System in Indonesia This study aims to describe the shift of the regional election system from the general election regime to the regional district regime. The shift has an impact on the tranfer of authority to resolve disputes from Constitutional Court to Supreme Court as a consequence of the Constitutional Court Decision Number 97/PUU-XI/2013. The decision implied to the regional election system (Pilkada) which was in the electoral regime moved to the regional government regime, after the ruling mandated the establishment of a special election court under the authority of the Supreme Court. This research uses a normative juridical approach by analyzing law documents. The research concluded that although adjudicating of regional election disputes was no longer under the jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court, but the Court still adjudicate election disputes until a special court was formed. In addition to adjudicating disputes over results, the Election Special Court can also adjudicate election disputes related to process, administrative, criminal disputes including hearing about election fraud and corrupt campaign practice. Pilkada dispute resolution system is done through one roof, so there is no overlapping of decisions as has happened so far. 

scholarly journals ANALISIS PENYELESIAN SENGKETA INTERNAL LEMBAGA NEGARA (STUDI KASUS PELANTIKAN PIMPINAN DEWAN PERWAKILAN DAERAH REPUBLIK INDONESIA PERIODE 2017-2019)

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 364
Author(s):  
Yanzah Bagas Nugraha ◽  
Dwi Andayani Budisetyowati
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
State Institution ◽  
The State ◽  
The Body ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Leadership Tenure ◽  
The People ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The Republic

The establishment of the Regional Representative Council of the Republic of Indonesia so called Dewan Perwakilan Daerah (DPD-RI) at least has two objectives. The first is to enhance justice for the people in the region. Secondly, to expanding and increasing the participation of local communities in national life. The process to form this state institution is done by amending the 3rd amendment of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic Indonesia. However, in doing that  amendment there was an internal conflict within the body of DPD-RI involving the old and the new leaders of this institution last year. The length of leadership tenure which was initially made 5 years was amended to became 2.5 years. The different length of leadership tenure was then canceled by the Supreme Court and it was decided to be the same as other institution such as The People’s Consultative Assembly and The House of Representative in that the leadership tenure should be in accordance with the electoral cycle of 5 years. However, although the regulation of DPD-RI has been canceled, the Supreme Court keeps sending its representative to guide the oath of position of the new DPD-RI leadership. The only regulation that has been introduced by the state was regulation toward conflict between state institutions and this conflict can merely be resolved by the Constitutional Court. Therefore, there is an urgent need for the state to seek solution to solve this problem to prevent the same thing happened to other state institution in the future.

The Right to Assisted Dying: Constitutional Jurisprudence and Its Impact in Canada, Germany and Austria

ICL Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kerstin Braun
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Supreme Court Decision ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Supreme Court Of Canada ◽  
Assisted Dying ◽  
Constitutional Courts ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Federal Constitutional ◽  
The Right ◽  
Constitutional Jurisprudence

Abstract Many states are grappling with the regulation of assistance in suicide and ending the life of another upon their request. Initially punishable in most countries, a growing number of jurisdictions have now introduced permissive frameworks decriminalising, to varying degrees, rendering assistance in dying. Other countries, however, have proceeded with the criminal prohibition and several courts have upheld the lawfulness of the respective criminal laws during human rights and constitutional challenges. Yet, the Supreme Court of Canada in 2015, the German Federal Constitutional Court in February 2020 and the Austrian Constitutional Court in December 2020 have respectively declared unconstitutional and void national criminal laws prohibiting rendering assistance in dying. This article first outlines the criminal law framework relating to assisted dying in Canada, Germany and Austria. It subsequently analyses the judgments before pondering their impact on the legal landscape in the three countries. The article concludes that while the Canadian Supreme Court decision appears to have had a significant impact on the introduction of subsequent legislation in Canada, the effects of the Constitutional Courts’ judgments seem much more subdued in Germany and are yet to unfold in Austria.

scholarly journals Defining Judicial Independence and Accountability Post Political Transition

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 294
Author(s):  
Ibnu Sina Chandranegara
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Political System ◽  
Judicial Independence ◽  
Political Transition ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Judicial Corruption ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Political Configuration

Indonesian constitutional reform after the fall of Soeharto’s New Order brings favorable direction for the judiciary. Constitutional guarantee of judicial independence as regulated in Art 24 (1) of the 1945 Constitution, has closed dark memories in the past. This article decides that the Judiciary is held by the Supreme Court and the judicial bodies below and a Constitutional Court. Such a strict direction of regulation plus the transformation of the political system in a democratic direction should bring about the implementation of the independent and autonomous judiciary. But in reality, even though in a democratic political system and constitutional arrangement affirms the guarantee of independence, but it doesn’t represent the actual situation. There are some problems that remain, such as (i) the absence of a permanent format regarding the institutional relationship between the Supreme Court, the Constitutional Court, and the Judicial Commission, and (ii) still many efforts to weaken judiciary through different ways such criminalization of judge. Referring to the problem above, then there are gaps between what "is" and what "ought", among others. First, by changing political configuration that tends to be more democratic, the judiciary should be more autonomous. In this context, various problems arise such as (i) disharmony in regulating the pattern of relations between judicial power actors, (ii) various attempts to criminalize judges over their decisions, and (iii) judicial corruption. Second, by the constitutional guarantee of the independence of the judiciary, there will be no legislation that that may reduce constitutional guarantee. However, there are many legislation or regulations that still not in line with a constitutional guarantee concerning judicial independence. This paper reviews and describes in-depth about how to implement constitutional guarantees of judicial independence after the political transition and conceptualize its order to strengthen rule of law in Indonesia

scholarly journals PEMBUBARAN PARTAI POLITIK DALAM SISTEM KETATANEGARAAN INDONESIA

Jurnal Hukum ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 612
Author(s):  
Widayati
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Political Party ◽  
District Court ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
The People ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The Government

Indonesia is a sovereign country folk. One implementation of the sovereignty of the people is the election that followed by political parties for members of Parliament and members of parliament and individuals for DPD.Political parties are the main pillars of democracy. Establishment of political parties must meet the requirements in accordance with legislation. Terms of founding a political party regulated under Article 2 of Law No. 2 of 2008 on Political Parties.As the main pillar of democracy, political parties should be able to carry out its functions properly. There are some restrictions on political parties, among others, are prohibited from engaging in activities contrary to the Constitution of 1945 NRI and legislation; engage in activities that endanger the integrity and safety Homeland. If the ban is violated, then the government may ask the parties to the freezing of the District Court. If the parties do not accept the decision of freezing the District Court, it can be appealed to the Supreme Court. If the Supreme Court confirmed the decision of the PN, then the Government may propose the dissolution of the parties to the Court.The procedure by which parties to the Court daitur dissolution under Article 68 paragraph (1) and (2) of Law No 24 of 2003 on the Constitutional Court. Constitutional Court's decision regarding the request for the dissolution of political parties must be decided upon within a period of 60 (sixty) days after pemoohonan recorded in the Register of Case Constitution.Keywords: Parati dissolution of political, constitutional systemIndonesia

scholarly journals The Practice of Introducing Restrictions on the Right to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly within Administrative Proceedings and the Place of the Judicial Branch of Power in Determining the Admissibility of Such Restrictions

2020 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 162-176
Author(s):  
М. А. Самбор
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Administrative Discretion ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
Executive Agencies ◽  
Administrative Proceedings ◽  
The Right ◽  
Legal Understanding

The author has researched the practice of the executive branch of power of Ukraine in establishing a collective (general) ban and restriction of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly under quarantine, as well as the place and role of the judicial branch of power represented by the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court of Ukraine in determining the constitutionality of such restrictions and prohibitions. The powers of the Supreme Court on the constitutional submission to the Constitutional Court of Ukraine on the constitutionality of the Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine “On quarantine to prevent the spread of acute respiratory disease COVID-19 caused by coronavirus SARS-CoV-2 and stages of weakening of anti-epidemic measures” dated from May 20, 2020 No. 392 on the establishment of a ban on the exercise of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly within administrative proceedings during the introduction of quarantine in Ukraine, as well as the justification of such a constitutional submission. It is important to analyze and form a legal understanding of the Decision of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine on the unconstitutionality of restricting and prohibiting the exercise of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly during quarantine within administrative proceedings – by adopting the relevant resolution by the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine, which was the result of administrative discretion of the highest agency in the system of executive agencies of Ukraine. In this regard, the study focuses on the motivation and validity of the decision of the agency of constitutional jurisdiction and understanding of those legal and social values that were the basis for the judges of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine while adopting the decision dated from August 28, 2020 No 10-r/2020.

scholarly journals La responsabilidad civil de los magistrados del tribunal constitucional en tela de juicio = Civil liability of Constitutional Court Judges al issue

2014 ◽  
pp. 561
Author(s):  
Luis E. Delgado del Rincón
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
Civil Liability ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
Judicial Decisions ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The Right ◽  
Judicial Protection ◽  
Right Of Access

En el trabajo se analiza la responsabilidad civil de los magistrados del Tribunal Constitucional teniendo en cuenta dos resoluciones judiciales. La primera, una sentencia de la Sala Primera del Tribunal Supremo, de 23 de enero de 2004 que, extralimitándose de sus funciones, condenó a los magistrados del Tribunal Constitucional por responsabilidad civil por culpa grave. La segunda, la sentencia del Tribunal Constitucional 133/2013, de 5 de junio que, casi diez años después, anula la decisión de la Sala Primera del Supremo por vulneración de dos derechos fundamentales de los magistrados constitucionales: el derecho de acceso a las funciones y cargos públicos, al impedir su ejercicio sin perturbaciones ilegítimas y el derecho a la tutela judicial efectiva, por dictar una resolución judicial con defectos constitucionales de motivación.The paper analyzes the civil liability of judges of the Constitutional Court considering two judicial decisions. The first, a judgment of the Civil Chamber of the Supreme Court of 23January 2004, exceeding their functions, condemned the Constitutional Court judges from civil liability for gross negligence. Second, the Constitutional Court133/2013, of 5 June, almost ten years later, annuls the decision of the First Chamber of the Supreme for violation of two fundamental constitutional rights of judges: the right of access to public offices, to prevent illegitimate exercise without interferenceand the right to judicial protection, to render a judgment on constitutional defects reasons.

International Humanitarian Law and the Israeli Supreme Court

2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aharon Barak
Keyword(s):  
Supreme Court ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Humanitarian Law ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
Israeli Supreme Court ◽  
The Right

In contrast with most other municipal courts in the world, the Israeli Supreme Court routinely decides cases based on international humanitarian law (IHL). Since the Six Day War in 1967, both the state and the Supreme Court have agreed that the Court has jurisdiction to decide humanitarian issues that come before it from territory held under belligerent occupation. The Court has indeed done so in issues ranging from land seizures to targeted killings, ruling on the basis of the relevant IHL. The Court has been criticised for its judgments, both from the right wing of the political spectrum, who see it as interfering with military matters, and from the left, who see it as granting legitimacy to occupation. In this article, I briefly describe the development, both historical and legal, of IHL in the Israeli Supreme Court, the criticism of the way the law is applied by the Court, and finally the importance of the fundamental concepts of human dignity and proportionality to IHL decisions.

scholarly journals Refleksi Konstitusionalitas Pengawasan Peraturan Daerah Pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 137/PUU-XIII/2015

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 391
Author(s):  
Firdaus Firdaus
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Legal Standing ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The Government ◽  
And Function ◽  
The Relationship

Peraturan Daerah (Perda) sebagai produk hukum pemerintahan daerah untuk mengatur dan memerintah sendiri sebagai manifestasi otonomi, tetapi dalam praktiknya sering kali dihadapkan dengan penundaan atau pembatalan akibat fungsi pengawasan preventif atau represif oleh Pemerintah. Melalui Putusan Nomor 137/PUU-XIII/2015, Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) meneguhkan fungsi pengawasan preventif dan membatalkan fungsi pengawasan represif dengan harapan: pertama mengakhiri dilema konstitusional fungsi Pengawasan Pemerintah terhadap Perda; kedua, memperkuat otonomi daerah; dan ketiga, meneguhkan pengujian perda sebagai kompetensi Mahkamah Agung (MA). Namun hal tersebut justru menciptakan dikotomi baru, baik terkait hubungan Pemerintah Pusat dengan pemerintahan daerah maupun dalam memaknai fungsi pengawasan represif dihubungkan dengan kompetensi MA menguji peraturan perundang-undangan di bawah undang-undang terhadap undang-undang. Bentuk dikotomi baru yang dimaksud; pertama, merevitalisasi instrumen sentralisme; dan kedua mereduksi otonomi dan fungsi kekuasaan Pemerintah dengan karakteristik yang bersifat aktif, sepihak (bersegi satu) dalam mengawasi dan memastikan pelaksanaan undangundang. Dimensi konstitusional yang harus dipastikan, bahwa pelaksanaan fungsi pengawasan represif terhadap Perda memberi kedudukan hukum bagi Pemerintah Daerah otonom untuk dapat mengajukan permohonan pengujian kepada MA.Local Regulation (Perda) as a legal product of local government is to regulate and govern itself as a manifestation of autonomy. Yet, in practice it is often confronted with delays or cancellations due to the Government's preventive or repressive supervision functions. Through Decision Number 137 / PUU-XIII / 2015, the Constitutional Court (MK) affirmed the function of preventive supervision and canceled the repressive supervision function in the hope of: first, ending the constitutional dilemma of the Government Oversight function on Local Regulations; second, strengthening local autonomy; and third, confirm the perda review as Supreme Court (MA) competency. However, this actually creates a new dichotomy, both in relation to the relationship between the Central Government and the local government and in interpreting the repressive monitoring function associated with the MA competency in examining the legislation under the regulations toward the statute. The form of the new dichotomy in intended; firstly, revitalize the instrument of centralism; and secondly reducing the autonomy and function of the Government's power with active, unilateral (onesided) characteristics in supervising and ensuring the implementation of the statute. The constitutional dimension that must be ensured is that the implementation of the repressive oversight function of the Local Regulation gives a legal standing for the autonomous local Government to be able to submit an application for judicial review to the Supreme Court.

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