Black unemployment: part of unskilled unemployment

1997 ◽  
Vol 35 (02) ◽  
pp. 35-1018-35-1018
Keyword(s):  
1994 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 55-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. V. Lee Badgett

This article analyzes the effects of changes in flows into and out of unemployment on the growing gap between black and white unemployment rates in the 1970s and 1980s. Current Population Survey data show that black workers’ unemployment inflows increased, suggesting that job instability increased. Declining employment opportunities were also implicated, as black workers left unemployment for a job less often in 1987 than in 1971. White women's situation improved considerably, with lower inflows and higher employment probabilities. Although the effects of declining federal equal employment opportunity (EEO) pressure cannot be detected, these findings are consistent with increasing racial discrimination.


Author(s):  
KATHRYN M. NECKERMAN ◽  
ROBERT APONTE ◽  
WILLIAM JULIUS WILSON

2021 ◽  
pp. 72-103
Author(s):  
Tyson D. King-Meadows

In this chapter, I argue that the impact of the Obama presidency is best gauged not by examining shortfalls in Obama’s overt advocacy for race conscious policies but, rather, by examining what Obama did to assert that Black representatives should be more concerned about the enactment of legislation that advances Black progress than about credit claiming via overt advocacy. To illustrate, I examine select public speeches by Obama, White House documents, and press accounts to outline the Obama administration’s engagement with the Congressional Black Caucus and other elites over Black unemployment. Subsequent political clashes showcased Black dismay that a Black executive had not delivered tangible race-specific benefits, White fear that a Black president would practice racial favoritism, and an intergovernmental struggle between the executive and legislative branches over who should control employment policy. These clashes best illustrate how the “inclusionary dilemma” required Obama to utilize a complex engagement strategy with Black Americans to navigate Black dismay about job creation and to outline his socio-cultural-economic policy agenda. In the conclusion, I discuss how Obama used his final days in office to prepare the Obama coalition for the Trump presidency and to warn Black voters and Black elites about privileging style over substance.


2009 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
BROOKS B. ROBINSON
Keyword(s):  

1982 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-52
Author(s):  
F. Grant Schutte

In view of the importance of the human asset to the South African economy, the major crises facing South African managers in the human resources area are discussed, together with possible solutions to these problems. The six major components of the human resources crisis, as perceived by the author, are related in a matrix to 11 major challenges or opportunities for management, in the handling of these problems. The crisis components discussed are: actual and potential large-scale black unemployment; a shortage of skilled and semi-skilled labour; a shortage of supervisory and middle management; socio-political wage pressure; strikes; and problems relating to cultural differences. The challenges facing business include: the promotion of entrepreneurship; developing greater understanding of cultural differences; development and retraining; skills training; selling the free enterprise system; the creation of jobs; effective delegation, communication, control and feedback; improved union negotiation; improved industrial relations; increased productivity; and the development of strategies and plans to prevent a greater crisis.


1987 ◽  
Vol 16 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 189-209 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel L. Myers ◽  
William J. Sabol

Conventional wisdom about the criminal justice system suggests that extralegal factors such as race or employment status should not affect sentencing outcomes. In this paper we examine an alternative model of the relationship between imprisonment and unemployment and race. The model suggests that penal practices are shaped by the labor market conditions of a system of production and that prisons, as part of a larger set of institutions providing support for economically-dependent populations, help to regulate the most superfluous group of workers in the industrial economy of the Northern states of the United States—unemployed black workers who comprise a large fraction of the pool of “reserve” workers necessary for price stability and economic expansion. We find support for the structural model that links black imprisonment (and Northern imprisonment in general) to manufacturing output and black unemployment.


1986 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
William B. Harvey

America is rapidly moving into the computer age, and as a result, new opportunities will be available for those appropriately prepared. Blacks stand to move even further behind Whites from an economic standpoint as high technology becomes more pervasive because they tend to be clustered in schools where computers are less available to students, and they hold jobs where they are less likely to learn computer skills. Even in the past four years, there has been a widening of the income gap in America—that is, the rich have gotten richer, while the poor have become poorer. Black people are disproportionately affected by this situation because they are overrepresented at the lower income levels. Meanwhile, the level of black unemployment, especially among young people, remains frightfully high. Unless steps are taken so that Blacks gain computer skills and thus have access to some of the meaningful jobs that are developed in the high technology society, a social crisis of immense proportions will develop. A knowledgeable and employable black population will make positive contributions to the development of American society. A large cohort of computer illiterate Blacks, whose main chance of employment would be restricted to menial jobs, will produce divisions that will be problematic for all Americans.


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