scholarly journals Labour Relations and Social Movements in the 21st Century

Author(s):  
Elsio Estanque ◽  
Hermes Augusto
Author(s):  
Lara Monticelli

The goal of this article is twofold. First, to illustrate how in the last decade a growing number of critical and Marxist thinkers committed to discussing and developing theories of change have started to broaden their focus by including social movements and grassroots initiatives that are “interstitial”, i.e. initiatives that are developing within capitalism and are striving to prefigure a post-capitalist society in the here and now without engaging in contentious, violent and revolutionary actions and activities. To achieve this, I mainly focus on the work of four authors: Erik Olin Wright, John Holloway, Ana C. Dinerstein, and Luke Martell. The second goal of this article is to understand why these interstitial movements are getting so much attention from critical scholars and to argue that the time is ripe for establishing a theory of (and for) prefigurative social movements. The article closes with some brief reflections on the future of radical thinking that includes an invitation, directed mostly at the young generation of critical and Marxist scholars, to begin a dialogue with theories of change developed within other disciplines, to engage with activists, and to experiment with participatory methods and techniques.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Taborda Silva Célia

Over time, the concept of social movement has evolved as society has changed, but has always implied collective action in the public space. The form of social contestation has changed, according to the conjuncture of each historical period. In 18th century, the transition from the Old Regime to Liberalism provoked movements considered by some authors as “primitive” or “premodern”, as they were spontaneous, sporadic and depoliticized. Industrial society of the 19th century gave rise to the labor movement and trade unionism, which from then on organized the social movements. In the 20th century there were changes and innovation in the collective way of acting, there was the emergence of a series of social movements that differ from the traditional in terms of the objectives and actors involved, such as the pacifist, ecologist, feminist movements, acting on the fringes of parties and unions. The 21st century has witnessed a set of movements that begin on social networks, such as Generation Scratch, Outraged, Occupy Wall Street, Screw the Troika, and quickly outgrow local scales to become global. Through the use of a theoretical and conceptual framework derived from the theories of social movements and taking into account the current transformation of collective action that has been witnessed in the 21st century, we intend to verify if we are facing a new social phenomenon or another phase of “repertoire” change.


Author(s):  
Gilly Hartal

The decriminalization of sodomy in Israel in 1988 transformed the political opportunity structure and heralded the local gay legal revolution that manifested in legal amendments, social movements, and the emergence of a flourishing, normative LGBT culture. Most activities were based in Tel Aviv with additional, scattered movements in other major Israeli cities. Since 1988, ongoing legal and political work have been taking place, with emphasis on a politics of assimilation. The Israeli LGBT social movements fit into a general trend of NGO-ization, by which organizations provide social services and endorse a national identity as a part of neoliberal governmentality. Palestinian movements and pro-BDS activists, however, do not participate in this co-option and assimilation process, resulting in deep segmentation of LGBT politics. Through this process, some LGBT social movements participate in and benefit from institutionalized encouragement and approval, while others protest state agenda and politics and work independently, exposing the central role homonationalism plays for Israeli LGBT movements and interest groups. Israeli homonationalism was induced through a continuous process of mainstreaming that was intensified by violent incidents that had major consequences for LGBT social movements in Israel. This violence broadened the scope of social movements’ activism and influenced public opinion on LGBT issues as well as politicians’ public support of LGBTs. As a result of these incidents, relationships between state authorities, municipalities, community activism, and LGBT social movements in Tel Aviv and Jerusalem have changed dramatically. LGBT social movements in Tel Aviv used the municipal administration and urban space to transform the cultural and symbolic value of LGBT subjectivity, culture, and discourse, securing their dominance within the local arena. This local power, as revealed in the case of gay tourism to Tel Aviv, reshaped the capacity to negotiate with the government, creating an additional lobby for LGBT resources. Two currents dominating LGBT discourses have considerably influenced Israeli LGBT social movements’ goals, agendas, practices, achievements, and networks: NGO-ization and homonationalism. Specifically, their interlacing with Israeli neoliberalism influenced LGBT movements’ power to motivate change. The analysis of Israeli LGBT social movements traces major milestones, from the early stages in the 1980s to the 21st-century period of homonationalism, but it also challenges homonationalism as an invariable situation. Rather, new challenges galvanize new politics and power structures for LGBT social movements and for their endorsement by municipalities and the national government. The neoliberal perspective reveals that LGBT social movements keep on working, growing, and becoming more institutionalized and normalized. This, however, does not reflect greater power by LGBT social movements but rather the privatization of the state, enabling LGBT social movements to step into niches once under the government’s exclusive responsibility. Therefore, in the 21st century, the value and valuation of LGBT subjects is established not so much by social movements’ work but via economic and urban power, reflecting a “post-homonationalist” mode.


Information ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (9) ◽  
pp. 377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio López Peláez ◽  
Amaya Erro-Garcés ◽  
Francisco Javier Pinilla García ◽  
Dimitrios Kiriakou

(1) Background: This article seeks to shed a light on the innovation, digitalisation, and teleworking processes that have occurred because of the coronavirus crisis. (2) Methods: To this end, we analyse data from Eurostat (2020), the European Companies Survey (2013; 2019) and the Living, Working and COVID-19 Dataset (2020), the latter two gathered by Eurofound. (3) Results: Our main findings reveal that COVID-19 has accelerated a process of digitalisation that has produced relevant changes in labour relations and, consequently, in companies’ organisation. (4) Conclusions: In short, home confinement has had a profound impact on work and occupational risks.


Author(s):  
Armando Chaguaceda Noriega

En su libro (Movimientos sociales en el siglo XXI. Buenos Aires: clacso), el sociólogo Geoffrey Pleyers (2018) identifica rasgos esenciales de los nuevos actores y procesos de cambio a escala global. Con una reflexión que nace del acompañamiento de luchas en todo el orbe, el autor habla de alteractivismo y espacios de experiencia, de gramáticas de acción basadas en la razón y en la subjetividad. Los alteractivistas son, para Pleyers (2018: 67) una suerte de electrones libres, “individuos que guardan su distancia respecto de cualquier organización, pero que interactúan según les parece mejor con grupos, redes u organizaciones que más coinciden con sus ideas y con el tipo de organización que quieren llevar a cabo.Global alter-activism: a suggestive lookAbstractIn his book (Social movements in the 21st century. Buenos Aires: CLACSO), the sociologist Geoffrey Pleyers (2018) identifies essential features of new actors and processes of change on a global scale. With a reflection that is born from the accompaniment of struggles throughout the world, the author speaks of alteractivism and spaces of experience, of grammars of action based on reason and subjectivity. The alteractivists are, for Pleyers (2018: 67) a kind of free electrons, "individuals who keep their distance from any organization, but who interact as they think best with groups, networks or organizations that most coincide with their ideas and with the type of organization they want to carry out.Alter-activisme global: un regard suggestifRésuméDans son livre (Movimientos sociales en el siglo XXI. Buenos Aires: clacso), le sociologue Geoffrey Pleyers (2018) identifie des traits essentiels des nouveaux acteurs et processus de changement à échelle globale. Avec une réflexion qui naît de l’accompagnement des luttes par tout dans le monde, l’auteur parle d’alter activisme et d’espaces d’expérience, de grammaires d’action basées sur la raison et la subjectivité. Les alter activistes sont, pour Pleyers (2018: 67), une sorte d’électrons libres, des “individus qui gardent leur distance en vers n’importe quelle organisation, mais qui interagissent selon leur convenance avec des groupes, des réseaux ou des organisations qui coïncident le plus avec leurs idées et avec le type d’organisation qu’ils veulent créer.


2019 ◽  

[Introducción]. Con motivo de los 40 años transcurridos desde la Declaración de Alma-Ata, el 11 y 12 de diciembre de 2017 la Organización Panamericana de la Salud (OPS) convocó en Quito el Foro Regional “Salud Universal en el Siglo XXI: 40 años de Alma-Ata”. Como parte de este movimiento regional la Directora de la OPS, la Dra. Carissa F. Etienne tomó la iniciativa de crear una Comisión de Alto Nivel, denominada “Salud Universal en el Siglo XXI: 40 años de Alma-Ata”, presidida por la Dra. Michelle Bachelet y el Embajador Sr. Néstor Méndez, y conformada por un grupo interdisciplinario de expertos regionales. Entre ellos había representantes de la comunidad, la academia y actores políticos, como ex ministros de salud y líderes de sindicatos y movimientos de diferentes grupos sociales. El objetivo de la Comisión fue elaborar recomendaciones para la Directora de OPS que permitieran hacer efectivo el derecho a la salud de las personas, entendido como un derecho humano fundamental, a partir del análisis de los avances y los desafíos que tienen los sistemas de salud en la Región de las Américas. El presente documento refleja el posicionamiento de la Comisión en torno a la Atención Primaria de Salud (APS) y la búsqueda de soluciones para hacer efectivo el derecho a la salud, además del enfoque utilizado para orientar el debate, el análisis y las recomendaciones sobre cómo garantizar este derecho. El documento se basa en los reportes elaborados por cinco grupos temáticos: a) modelo de atención de salud, b) modelo institucional, c) modelo de financiamiento, d) salud y protección social y e) recursos humanos de salud, los cuales están disponibles como anexos a este informe. Estos grupos temáticos fueron liderados por los miembros de la Comisión, y reunieron a un gran número de expertos académicos y movimientos sociales de diferentes países de la Región. La Comisión presenta diez recomendaciones para lograr la salud para todas y todos en la Región de las Américas en el contexto del siglo XXI. [Introduction]. To mark the 40th anniversary of the Declaration of Alma-Ata, the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) convened the Regional Forum “Universal Health in the 21st Century: 40 Years of Alma-Ata” on December 11-12, 2017, in Quito, Ecuador. As part of this regional movement, PAHO Director Dr. Carissa F. Etienne convened a High-Level Commission: Universal Health in the 21st Century: 40 Years of Alma-Ata, chaired by Dr. Michelle Bachelet and Ambassador Néstor Mendez, and made up of an interdisciplinary group of regional experts, including representatives from communities and academia, as well as political actors, such as former health ministers, trade union leaders, and representatives of different social movements. The objective of the Commission was to develop recommendations for the PAHO Director on how to give effect to the right to health as a fundamental human right, based on an analysis of the progress and challenges faced by health systems in the Region of the Americas. This document reflects the Commission’s position regarding primary health care (PHC), the search for solutions to ensure the right to health, and the approach taken in discussions, analysis, and recommendations on how to guarantee this right. It is based on reports prepared by the five thematic groups addressing: a) health care model, b) institutional model, c) financing model, d) health and social protection, and e) human resources for health (see annexes to the present report). The thematic groups were led by members of the Commission, bringing together a great number of academic experts and social movements from different countries in the Region. In this report, the Commission presents 10 recommendations for achieving health for all in the Region of the Americas in the 21st century.


Author(s):  
William Ayers ◽  
Rick Ayers ◽  
Joel Westheimer

Social movements change the world. Thus, they shape curriculum. Participation in movements educates the public by altering viewpoints and actions. Likewise, participants learn through participation in social movements; therefore, social movements can be considered curricula. The experiences of social movements are curricula that exist in and out of schools. Examples of the myriad connections among school curriculum, nonschool curriculum, and social movements interact in dynamic fluidity. Curriculum is much more than a course syllabus, set of plans, or the indoctrinations or liberations intended by schools. Curriculum includes all experiences of schooling and contexts that influence schooling: intended, taught, tested, hidden, excluded, outside, peer-driven, and more. It encompasses knowledge, relationships, and interpretations that students bring to school or anywhere else. These multiple dimensions of curriculum also exist in the diverse experiences, institutions, and gatherings of everyday life. Alternative forms of curriculum have been envisioned and enacted over the centuries to overcome the dominance of autocratic forms of education. Social movements educate and are therefore curricular. A noteworthy example of curricula of social movements is the Civil Rights Movement, particularly the Mississippi Freedom Schools in the United States. Another example is the Highlander Folk School in Tennessee, founded by Myles Horton and based on the Danish model of folk schools, which was a center of inspiration and praxis for participants in the Civil Rights Movement. Emancipatory educational movements are exemplified in the problem-posing work of Paulo Freire, initially in Brazil, evolving to counter the oppressiveness of “banking” forms of education in many parts of the world. Freire has shown how oppressed persons could be major creators of their own education, by learning to name, write, and read the world to compose a more just world. In the second decade of the 21st century, young climate activists, such as Xiye Bastida and Greta Thunberg, have advocated ecological renewal; this has grown into a worldwide movement, captured in the title “Fridays for Future.” Local examples include the insightful stories in The Journal of Ordinary Thought, inspired and evoked by Hal Adams and authored by the parents of students in some of Chicago’s most impoverished Black neighborhoods in the late 20th century. Global movements include Black Lives Matter, which has manifested itself as an act of solidarity in the second decade of the 21st century. Social movements, of which the contributions of Martin Luther King, Jr. are an emblematic example, teach the power of learning and the learning of power. They help raise the deepest and most worthwhile questions: What does it mean to be human? Who am I in relation to others? What kind of a society do we want to create? How can schools and other public spaces become generative sites of contention and authentic engagement? That is where a curriculum of social movements comes to life. What lessons might educators learn from the examples of a curriculum of social movements? How should we live? How will we live? What will you do about it?


1995 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 515-517
Author(s):  
HOWARD GOSPEL ◽  
STEPHEN WOOD

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