scholarly journals Who Gets the Power, Resources, and Knowledge from California Assembly Bill 705?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Erin Feld

California Assembly Bill 705 (AB 705) began full implementation in fall of 2020 for California community college English departments. This Bill requires schools to reconsider developmental education saying that students can no longer be required to take classes below transfer-level in English unless the school can show a student would not be able to succeed in college-level classes without that course. Additionally, there can no longer be sequences of multiple remedial classes as there were in the past, and schools can only offer classes one level below transfer. Students must be also now be recommended into courses using multiple measures and not assessment tests. The intent of the Bill is to prevent students from getting caught in remedial course sequences that frustrate them to the point of dropping out of college altogether. The purpose of this study is to interview English faculty from San Diego County community colleges to see what they are observing in the early implementation of AB 705. The Critical Policy Analysis framework will be used to see what teachers are noticing with their students and what is happening at their institutions in terms of distribution of power, resources, and knowledge, and if inequality and privilege exist because of this Bill. Findings and implications demonstrate that AB 705 appears to be helping students in some ways, but there are still concerns about some aspects of it because some students might still be left behind because of the Bill.

Author(s):  
Joshua Byun

Abstract Why do some regional powers collectively threatened by a potential hegemon eagerly cooperate to ensure their security, while others appear reluctant to do so? I argue that robust security cooperation at the regional level is less likely when an unbalanced distribution of power exists between the prospective security partners. In such situations, regional security cooperation tends to be stunted by foot-dragging and obstructionism on the part of materially inferior states wary of facilitating the strategic expansion of neighbours with larger endowments of power resources, anticipating that much of the coalition's gains in military capabilities are likely to be achieved through an expansion of the materially superior neighbour's force levels and strategic flexibility. Evidence drawn from primary material and the latest historiography of France's postwar foreign policy towards West Germany provides considerable support for this argument. My findings offer important correctives to standard accounts of the origins of Western European security cooperation and suggest the need to rethink the difficulties the United States has encountered in promoting cooperation among local allies in key global regions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-167
Author(s):  
Andrei Melville ◽  
Andrei Akhremenko ◽  
Mikhail Mironyuk

There is a striking opposition within the current discourse on Russia’s position in the world. On the one hand, there are well-known arguments about Russia’s “weak hand” (relatively small and stagnating economy, vulnerability to sanctions, technological backwardness, deteriorating demography, corruption, bad institutions, etc.). On the other hand, Russia is accused of “global revisionism”, attempts to reshape and undermine the liberal world order, and Western democracy itself. There seems to be a paradox: Russia with a perceived decline of major resources of national power, exercises dramatically increased international influence. This paradox of power and/or influence is further explored. This paper introduces a new complex Index of national power. On the basis of ratings of countries authors compare the dynamics of distribution of power in the world with a focus on Russia’s national power in world politics since 1995. The analysis brings evidence that the cumulative resources of Russia’s power in international affairs did not increase during the last two decades. However, Russia’s influence in world politics has significantly increased as demonstrated by assertive foreign policy in different parts of the world and its perception by the international political community and the public. Russia remains a major power in today’s world, although some of its power resources are stagnating or decreasing in comparison to the US and rising China. To compensate for weaknesses Russia is using both traditional and nontraditional capabilities of international influence.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2012 ◽  
pp. 1-6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Gerber ◽  
Edmund A. Marek

Valdosta State University and the Valdosta City Schools (Valdosta, GA) partnered in 2008 to form the Valdosta Early College Academy (VECA). VECA epitomizes the early college concept of (a) admitting underperforming students with multiple risk factors for dropping out of school (e.g., low socioeconomic status, minority, and first-generation high school or college) and (b) providing college level dual enrollment courses. VECA is very different than nearly every other early college school in the nation. Most (85%) of the 200 early colleges currently operating in the United States begin with students in the 9th grade. Nearly all of the remaining early colleges begin with 7th grade; only a few are 6–12-grade schools. VECA targets two primary priorities, (a) innovations that complement the implementation of higher standards and high-quality assessments and (b) innovations that support college access and success. The primary purpose of this paper is to chronicle the genesis and development of VECA. This program is very successful, replete with research opportunities, and represents a model early college program. We plan to continue to grow VECA to ultimately include grades six through twelve and to research that growth and development.


2008 ◽  
Vol 38 (151) ◽  
pp. 289-305
Author(s):  
Urs Marti

Neoliberal political projects strive to discipline people according to principles of market and competition. "Governementality- studies" have contributed to a better understanding of strategies used in order to transform human beings into market actors or human capitalists. However, Foucault's idea of governmentality is problematic insofar as it is based on a too narrow conception of power and freedom. Relations of power in capitalist societies cannot be analysed without taking into account the uneven distribution of power resources - mainly of economic means - and Its negative effects on the freedom of action making possible the subjection of people to the rules of competition.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-25
Author(s):  
Dana Hickey

The purpose of the study is to understand Indigenous epistemologies of power from the standpoint of Indigenous participants who are originally from or currently living in the Sudbury and Manitoulin Island areas of Ontario, Canada. Indigenous research methods are privileged throughout, and key aspects of grounded theory are woven in to add support. Comparisons between the Indigenous epistemological concept of power and the Western theories of power of mainstream academia are made, as are relevant criticisms of Western epistemology. Fifteen Indigenous participants were interviewed. The central category that arose from the data is, relationships. This central category ties the other main categories together which are: language, sacred sources of power, Indigenous women, abuse of power, and knowledge. The findings indicate that there are many forms and manifestations of power which are related to each other. The source of power is in the interrelatedness of everyone to everything else that is known and unknown. Humility, harmony and balanced relationships produce the healthiest and most magnificent manifestations of power. The paper argues that understanding more about epistemologies of power will help illuminate a pathway by which Indigenous peoples and Canadians of settler ancestry can better understand one another, creating the shift in these relationships that is required in order to gather large-scale support for reconciliation and for ethical distribution of power resources in Canada.


Author(s):  
Herbert Obinger

This chapter shows that war preparation and particularly the two world wars have left a strong and lasting imprint on the Austrian welfare state. First, war and war preparation are important factors for understanding the timing of programme adoption. Second, the economic and social repercussions of war strongly affected the public–private mix and financing mode of the welfare state. Third, welfare provision to the victims of wars had a strong impact on the social spending/GDP ratio that only gradually petered out. Fourth, social provision for the victims of war was a harbinger of modern social policies as it informed innovations in (civilian) disability policies, active labour market policy, and long-term care. Finally, war drastically altered the political context in a way that has allowed the welfare state to flourish in the post-war period (via e.g. democratization, a changed distribution of power resources, corporatism and consensus democracy, and centralization of government).


2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 392-405 ◽  
Author(s):  
Therese Anders ◽  
Christopher J Fariss ◽  
Jonathan N Markowitz

Abstract Scholars systematically mismeasure power resources and military burdens by using gross domestic product (GDP) as a proxy for the income states can devote to arming. The core problem is that GDP confounds two conceptually distinct forms of income into one additive indicator. Subsistence income represents resources needed to provide the “bread” necessary to cover the basic subsistence needs of the population. Surplus income represents the remaining resources that could be allocated to “guns” or “butter.” Our new measure of surplus domestic product (SDP) corrects for this measurement error by decomposing subsistence income and surplus income from total GDP. Validation exercises demonstrate that SDP outperforms GDP at measuring the distribution of power resources. Though theoretically we expect states’ decisions to arm are influenced by the distribution of power; empirical models using GDP find mixed support for this expectation. Strikingly, using SDP reveals strong support for this proposition.


2017 ◽  
Vol 865 ◽  
pp. 532-538
Author(s):  
Yu.V. Ilyukhin

In the paper we present results of theoretical and experimental research of properties of manipulators with electro hydraulic servo drives with energy sources of limited power. The danger of overloading the power sources and associated functional failures of the drive system are discussed. In order to solve the problem we propose a new structure of the control system and algorithms. This allows to effectively distribute available power between hydraulic drives. These control algorithms are based on a system with variable structure with actual fluid flow feedback. This paper presents analysis of the amplitude of the first harmonic and of oscillation frequency of the total flow in the steady state. This allows to give recommendations how to improve dynamic properties of a hydraulic manipulator. The proposed control laws solve the problem of coordination of motion of links of the manipulator for automatic distribution of power resources. Besides this, it creates favorable conditions for functioning of biotechnical system "human operator - hydraulic manipulator" with limited energy source.


2001 ◽  
Vol 74 (184) ◽  
pp. 193-219 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew August

Abstract In their communities, and in interactions with authorities and profit-seekers, residents of late Victorian London working-class districts struggled forcefully over the distribution of power, resources and prestige. They battled one another, in households and neighbourhoods, enforcing hierarchies and unequal access to resources. Philanthropists met hostile, manipulative and assertive poor people. Working-class Londoners resisted unwelcome state incursions and exploited government resources toward their own ends. They also fought employers and landlords over resources and power. Though their involvement in unions and socialist politics was uneven, these working-class Londoners participated actively in a pervasive politics of everyday life.


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