scholarly journals FROM AN INTELLECTUAL MOVEMENT TO POLITICAL PARTIES: THE TRANSFORMATION OF TURKISH ISLAMIST GROUPS

Author(s):  
Gokhan Celen ◽  
Ahmet Aykut Altay

Pan-Islamism was one of the political ideas emerged in the Ottoman Empire in the 19thc.This study aims to outline the ideas of the Islamist movement in the Ottoman era and to put forward the agreements or differences of opinion vis-a-vis the Islamist movement in the Republican era with respect to their perspectives on the state and modernization.The main argument of this study is that,contrary to what the current literature claims,the organization of the Justice and Development Party did not mark a third generation,rather,changing their discourses,the Islamists in the Republican era continued their political activities within the body of Felicity Party of National Outlook Movement(NOM).Republican era of Islamists will be examined in the axis of NOM. Firstly,the political ideas of the Ottoman Empire in the 19thc will be introduced.The main aims of political movements in this century will be described and the differences between them will be identified.A detailed examination of the Islamist movement will follow and the ideas of the NOM,which is the main subject of the study and the Republican era generation,will be analyzed.The study will be carried out using the interpretivism method within the scope of politology of religion.

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 2510 ◽  
Author(s):  
Serdar Ünal

Today, the imprtance of internet or web based communication is getting more and more important. These new web technologies, especially digital social networking sites, have created unique areas for online communication. There is an important literature on the use of these digital social networks, especially for political purposes. The main sources of motivation for the political use of social networks; the factors that prevent the use of these venues on the political basis; as well as the social effects or consequences of the political use of social media or social networks in democratic regimes are important issues. In this way, the tendency of young citizens, defined as net generation, to share social and political ideas in digital social networks and their attitudes towards using these venues as a platform of political expression have been examined. Young people's meanings that they assign to political activities in digital social networks, as well as how they evaluate the political activities in these settings as a part of their daily lives were analyzed empirically through quantitative and qualitative data. Extended English abstract is in the end of PDF (TURKISH) file.ÖzetGünümüzde internet veya web temelli iletişimin önemi gittikçe daha da artmaktadır. Bu yeni web teknolojilerinden özellikle dijital sosyal paylaşım ağları çevrimiçi iletişim için eşsiz alanlar yaratmıştır. Birçok farklı kullanım amacına hizmet eden bu ağların özellikle siyasal temeldeki kullanımına yönelik önemli bir literatür oluşmaktadır. Dijital sosyal ağların siyasal amaçlı kullanılmasındaki temel motivasyon kaynakları, bu mecraların siyasal temelde kullanımını engelleyici faktörler ve ayrıca bunun demokratik rejimlerde bireysel ve toplumsal düzeydeki etkileri veya sonuçları önem arz etmektedir. Bu yönde, çalışmada ağ kuşağı olarak tanımlanan genç yurttaşların dijital sosyal ağlarda sosyal ve siyasal fikirlerini paylaşma eğilimleri ve bu mecraları bir siyasal tartışma platformu olarak kullanmaya yönelik tutumları incelenmiştir. Başka bir deyişle, makalede genç kuşakların dijital sosyal ağlardaki siyasal içerikli etkinliklere yükledikleri anlamlar ve bu mecralardaki siyasal etkinlikleri gündelik hayatlarında nereye konumlandırdıkları meselesi nicel ve nitel veriler aracılığıyla ampirik düzeyde irdelenmiştir.


2018 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 194-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lina Xu ◽  
Eagle Zhang ◽  
Corinne Cortese

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to consider the role of accounting in the construction and maintenance of political hegemony during Mao’s People’s Commune movement in China between 1958 and 1966. Drawing on concepts of ideological power and intellectual diffusion in political and civil society from Gramsci’s theory of hegemony, it analyses the process by which accounting intellectuals established a set of socialist accounting practices to meet the political challenges of the People’s Commune. Design/methodology/approach Gramsci’s theory is adopted to examine how the accounting systems of People’s Commune acted as a mechanism that reflected Mao’s political ideas. Findings This paper demonstrates that the accounting system that emerged during these socio-political movements served the ideological purpose of reinforcing Mao’s political ideology and his hegemonic leadership. Accounting functioned within the spheres of both political and civil society to facilitate a national collective will, and to construct behaviours that satisfied the political requirements of the People’s Commune. Originality/value This paper will contribute to the accounting history in China from 1958 to 1966.


1991 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Diana Wood

Michael Wilks’s best-known contribution to historical scholarship is The Problem of Sovereignty in the Later Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1963). This is an exploration of the political ideas of Augustinus Triumphus of Ancona (c. 1270-1328) and his contemporary publicists on the nature of sovereignty—or supreme authority—and its location within society. Like most medieval thinkers Augustinus saw society as the universal Church, the body of Christ, a single corporate entity which embraced all Christians, and within which all were united in pursuit of the common aim of salvation. Most thinkers would have agreed, too, that in theory society itself was the possessor of sovereignty. The ‘problem’ arose in trying to decide how and by whom sovereignty should be wielded in practice. There were various solutions. At one extreme the pope, as the vicar of Christ, was thought to represent Christ’s mystical body, the Church, on earth. He thus became the physical embodiment of sovereignty, and, as such, the sole source of power within society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-151
Author(s):  
Meirison Meirison

The Kurds are an ethnic group that has undergone a lot of friction with other countries such as Persia, Arabia, Mongols, and Turkey. However, the Kurdish and the Ottoman Empire had established a completely distinct relation, including the mutual attraction of the Islamic Faith, school of thought, and the problem of nationalism. Islam discerns no people due to ethnicity they belong to, but it is a devotion that distinguishes their degree before God. This article attempts to examine how the Kurds have been able to survive under the auspices of the Ottoman Empire, an empire that was considered a substitute for the previous Islamic caliphate that ruled based on Islamic shari‘a. This study finds that the political and legal transformation in the body of the Ottoman Empire made the Kurds extremely depressed and agitated. This has subsequently brought about the rise of their nationalism and intention to establish an independent state. Unfortunately, this was difficult to realize since the map of the region is shaped by the winning countries of World War I. These countries did not recognize what so-called Kurdistan State. Besides, the surrounding countries like Turkey, Iran, Syria, and Iraq did not want to lose their territory.


2018 ◽  
Vol 226 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-140
Author(s):  
Teacher Shahin Siham AbdulRazaq

     The boundaries of the Ottoman Empire span several centuries on a vast expanse, across the ancient continents of the world, with different races, diverse peoples and multiple faiths, and the Ottoman Empire was one of the forces that influenced the course of international politics at the time, and then it was weakened by the political balance and administrative, which was governed by the laws of the sultan between the central authority on the one hand, and those who carry out that policy from Baswat and Pikatagwat... and others on the other hand. The weakness is growing in state institutions and despite repeated attempts by some sultans to restore power and prestige to the body of the sprawling empire, it has achieved little or nothing. The first reformist calls were inspired by the spirit and principles of Islam in remedying the imbalance, and the reformers advocated the necessity of applying Islamic law within the various institutions, to return to its prosperous past, and on that basis the pioneering attempts were based on Islam and its basic principles at a stage where it did not expand The Ottoman Empire in the European-style quotation, as the European superiority was not as impressive as the Ottomans and pushed them to quotation, and the Ottomans were preparing themselves a major state during the seventeenth century and the beginning of the eighteenth century, and during that stage many of the leaders of the movement tried Reform in the Ottoman Empire, doing self-reliant reforms not on the quotation from the West, including Shaykh al-Islam Saad Eddin Effendi, Osman II, Murad IV and others.       The nature of the research required it to be divided into an introduction, six axes and a conclusion, the first axis addressed the beginning of the Ottoman retreat since 1683, and the signs of weakness experienced by the Ottoman state, as well as the emergence of European supremacy during that era, and the emergence of a number of early Ottoman reformers and their role in the beginnings The reform process. The second theme was devoted to the ways in which they showed Salim III in the reform, which led to his eventual execution, and the third axis was devoted to the study of the reign of Sultan Mahmud II at an important stage of the nineteenth century, with the appearance of a number of eminent personalities in Egypt and Iraq, as well as some changes of Europe. The fourth axis touched upon the Ottoman organizations, the efforts of a number of Ottomans and their influence on Western culture, which led to the promulgation of a number of important decrees (orders), including the line of Sharif kolkhanf in 1839 and the decree of Humayun in 1856, and a number of laws including the Land Law of 21 April 1858 The law of the Tarabo of 14 January 1859, as well as the state law of 1864, and its interpretation in the stabilization of the new correctional grounds.     The fifth axis dealt with a brief presentation of the results of the movement of Ottoman organizations, and its influence in the Arab States, especially the state of Baghdad, and devoted the sixth (last) to the features of the Iraqi reformist Midhat Pasha, the most important administrative works in the state of Baghdad, as well as giving a brief presentation Of the subsequent changes to the reign of Medhat Pasha until the early 20th century. In conclusion, we tried to show the most important conclusions reached through the research hubs, seeking reference to several related sources including a number of research and university messages as well as the use of the International Information Network (Internet), and these sources can be identified through the margins Search or list of sources.  


Author(s):  
Jones Irwin

This essay explores the original political significance of the posters of May ’68 as a critique of capitalism, as well as extending this approach to a critique of contemporary capitalism in 2020. The slogans of ’68 are deceptively simple and we look to the importance of the political ideas expressed aesthetically as having immediate impact in the late 1960s, but also the underlying Situationist philosophy which influenced them.We also explore the contemporary significance of Situationist theory, especially in the context of the renewal of Marxist thought in the 21st century. This renewed Leftist critique of capitalism emerges as articulated through newer social and political movements of the current times, particularly through the political philosophy of Slavoj Žižek and his auto-critique of the former Yugoslavia.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-257
Author(s):  
Mark Franko

This article examines the political and artistic activities of dancer and choreographer Serge Lifar at the Paris Opéra during and immediately after the occupation of Paris. Although Lifar was cleared of charges of collaborationism with the German authorities after the war, the question of collaborationism has arisen again in light of the rehabilitation of his aesthetic by the Paris Opéra and other dance companies. Using archival materials usually ignored by dance scholars, this article examines Lifar's political activities, his political convictions, and his political ambitions. His theory of ballet as set forth in La Danse: les grands courants de la danse académique (1938) and two of his successful ballets of this period – Joan de Zarissa (1942) and Suite en blanc (1943) – are discussed in light of his politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 165-170
Author(s):  
Aleksey V.  Lomonosov

The article reveals the social significance of determining the political views of V.V. Rozanov in the system of the thinker’s worldview. The correlation of these views with his political journalism is shown. The genesis of social and political ideas of V.V. Rozanov is revealed. The author specifies his ideological predecessors in the sphere of public thought of the late 19th century and the thinker’s affiliation with the conservative political camp of Russian writers. The author of the article also gives coverage of the V.V. Rozanov’s polemical publications in the press. He outlines the circle of political sympathies and determinative constants in the political views of Rozanov-publicist and proves his commitment to the centrist political parties. The author examines the process of Rozanov’s socio-political views evolution at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries, and the related changes in his political journalism. The evaluations are based on the large layer of Rozanov’s newspaper publicism in the years of 1905–1917. To determine the Rozanov’s position in the “New time” journal editorial office and to reveal the motives of his political essays the author of the article used epistola


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