Anti-locality and subject extraction

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 84
Author(s):  
Michael Yoshitaka Erlewine
Keyword(s):  
Subject Extraction

French Relative Qui

2011 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominique Sportiche
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Romance Languages ◽  
Rule Based ◽  
Pronominal System ◽  
Subject Extraction

Starting from Kayne's (1976) motivation for the existence of the French que/qui rule based on the complementizer system of French relative clauses, I show that French in fact has a double paradigm of wh-elements, a weak one and a strong one, much like what is found in the (strong/weak) pronominal system. Although only French is discussed here in any detail, such a split seems to have much wider relevance, in other Romance languages, in some Germanic and Scandinavian languages, and beyond (Wolof). This split in turn shows that the que/qui rule (and its cognates) should be looked at differently—in particular, that they should be uncoupled from constraints on subject extraction.

English C Moves Downward as well as Upward: An Extension of Bošković and Lasnik's (2003) Approach

2008 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 295-307 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kwang-sup Kim
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clauses ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Principled Account ◽  
The Right ◽  
Subject Extraction ◽  
Filter Effects

Pesetsky (1991) proposes that there are two types of C, that and null C, and that the null C is an affix that must move up to the matrix V. This proposal is revived in the minimalist context by Bošković and Lasnik (2003). While assuming that the C-as-an-affix approach is on the right track, I suggest a drastic modification of previous versions of this approach: namely, that (a) there is just one type of C in the lexicon, affixal null C; (b) it can both hop down onto the embedded V and move up to the matrix V; and (c) that/for is inserted at PF as a last resort if affixation is structurally prohibited. This amounts to saying that the English tense and complementizer systems display the same paradigm: both T[+finite] and C[±finite] are affixes, and do and that/for are inserted as a last resort when syntactic affixation is impossible. This approach, especially the C-hopping approach, allows a uniform, principled account for the distribution of that and for, including that-trace effects, ameliorating effects of subject extraction, anti-that-trace effects, For-To Filter effects, and the distribution of that in relative clauses.

Agreeing How? Implications for Theories of Agreement and Locality

2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vicki Carstens ◽  
Michael Diercks
Keyword(s):  
Traditional Notion ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Subject Agreement ◽  
Locative Inversion ◽  
Subject Extraction ◽  
Insight Into

In Lubukusu and Lusaamia, the wh-expression ‘how’ agrees in φ-features with the subject of its clause. We show that agreement on ‘how’ is not always identical to subject agreement on the verb: the two diverge in certain locative inversion and subject extraction environments. On the basis of these facts, we argue that ‘how’ is a vP adjunct with downward-probing uφ independent of the uφ that underlies subject agreement. We also explore locality paradoxes that arise in connection with agreeing ‘how’ in locative inversion constructions. These present challenges to the traditional notion of equidistance from a probe as an explanation for inversion, show that operators may have ‘‘active’’ φ-features even while they are Ā-opaque, and offer insight into the mechanisms making locative inversion possible.

scholarly journals Māori subject extraction

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 110
Author(s):  
Jamie Douglas
Keyword(s):  
Subject Extraction

A Criterial Freezing approach to subject extraction in Jordanian Arabic

2017 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marwan Jarrah
Keyword(s):  
Chain Formation ◽  
Jordanian Arabic ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Phase Impenetrability Condition ◽  
Subject Extraction ◽  
Time Point

AbstractUsing the Criterial Freezing approach to movement and chain formation (Rizzi 2005, 2006, 2014; Rizzi and Shlonsky 2006, 2007), this study explores the strategies Jordanian Arabic makes available for subject extraction. I argue that subject extraction in this variety of Arabic is constrained by the postulated D-linking condition of the Subject Criterion – i.e., [spec,SubjP] is filled by an element with the same D(iscourse)-linking status as that of the subject wh-word (D-linked vs. non-D-linked). In case of questions with a D-linked wh-word, [spec,SubjP] can be filled by the D-linked particle illi or a deictic (time-point/place-point) adjunct. Unlike time-point adjuncts, the use of place-point adjuncts to fill [spec,SubjP] is subject to the effects of the Phase Impenetrability Condition (Chomsky 2001), given their low base positions. In contrast, in case of questions with a non-D-linked wh-word, I assume that [spec,SubjP] is filled by an expletive pro.

scholarly journals Circumventing the ‘That-Trace’ Effect: Different Strategies between Germanic and Romance

Languages ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 84
Author(s):  
Andrea Padovan ◽  
Ermenegildo Bidese ◽  
Alessandra Tomaselli
Keyword(s):  
Language Contact ◽  
Landing Site ◽  
Minority Language ◽  
Interesting Case ◽  
Northern Italy ◽  
Romance Language ◽  
The Status ◽  
Subject Extraction

In our paper, we deal with the Germanic–Romance language contact, focusing on Cimbrian, a Germanic minority language spoken in Northern Italy. Specifically, we focus on the violation of the well-known that-trace filter, as it appears to be an interesting case of the superficial convergence that we ascribe to the status of T, which is either too rich (model language) or too weak (replica language) to represent a viable landing site for subject extraction.

Factivity and subject extraction in Jordanian Arabic

Lingua ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 219 ◽  
pp. 106-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marwan Jarrah
Keyword(s):  
Jordanian Arabic ◽  
Subject Extraction
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