scholarly journals A Comparative Study on the Factors and Process of the Changes in the Labor Policy -Analysis on the Revisions in the Labor Relations Law-

1999 ◽  
Vol 14 (0) ◽  
pp. 61-74
Author(s):  
Seonil Cho

The purpose of this study is to analyze the reason and process of labor policy changes in Korea. For this purpose, I analyzed three cases which were made respectively in 1980, 1987, and 1997. An analytical tool for policy change process is basically modified from the view point of policy making process theory, adaptable to the Korean situation. In the authoritative government period, political factors were most influential to changes in the labor policy. But through the process of democratization, socio-economic factors are more influential on the change of labor-management relations acts than that of others. Besides, the changes in the policy making process and the policy contents are mainly affected by the power relations among labor-management-government. Also, the government took the initiative in the process of labor policy making. Accordingly, political factors were most influential on the agenda-setting phase of labor policy changes. But because of the democratization of society and the growth of the private sector, the role of government is increasingly restricted. As a result, the three participants of the labor policy change are now interacting strategically. Therefore, Policy change is mainly determined by the power balance among labor-management-government relations. Korean labor-management relations acts are generally outlined by the macro-factors such as political, economic and social factors. The revision of labor-management relations acts are less affected by the characteristics of the policy making system. The revision of individual labor-management relations acts are more affected by the economic factors, while that of the collective labor-management relations acts are more affected by political factors.

2007 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. P. Doessel ◽  
Roman W. Scheurer ◽  
David C. Chant ◽  
Harvey Whiteford

Australia has a national, compulsory and universal health insurance scheme, called Medicare. In 1996 the Government changed the Medicare Benefit Schedule Book in such a way as to create different financial incentives for consumers or producers of out-of-hospital private psychiatric services, once an individual consumer had received 50 such services in a 12-month period. The Australian Government introduced a new Item (319) to cover some special cases that were affected by the policy change. At the same time, the Commonwealth introduced a ‘fee-freeze’ for all medical services. The purpose of this study is two-fold. First, it is necessary to describe the three policy interventions (the constraints on utilization, the operation of the new Item and the general ‘fee-freeze’.) The new Item policy was essentially a mechanism to ‘dampen’ the effect of the ‘constraint’ policy, and these two policy changes will be consequently analysed as a single intervention. The second objective is to evaluate the policy intervention in terms of the (stated) Australian purpose of reducing utilization of psychiatric services, and thus reducing financial outlays. Thus, it is important to separate out the different effects of the three policies that were introduced at much the same time in November 1996 and January 1997. The econometric results indicate that the composite policy change (constraining services and the new 319 Item) had a statistically significant effect. The analysis of the Medicare Benefit (in constant prices) indicates that the ‘fee-freeze’ policy also had a statistically significant effect. This enables separate determination of the several policy changes. In fact, the empirical results indicate that the Commonwealth Government underestimated the ‘savings’ that would arise from the ‘constraint’ policy.


2012 ◽  
Vol 6 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 35-42
Author(s):  
Jayanth Raghothama ◽  
Sebastiaan Meijer ◽  
Robin King

Agricultural policies in India directly impact the livelihoods of close to two thirds of India’s population. Through policies, the government manages food security, urban and rural poverty, energy, and infrastructure, among others. Given the current state of India’s governance, the connection between policy making and its results in society becomes a key issue for research. This paper presents a game for use as a research instrument. The game can facilitate research into the policy making process at various levels of the government in India. The design is intended to understand the complexity of the institutional arrangement that defines and implements agricultural policies. The game integrates with other games that simulate other aspects of the agricultural system in India. The paper presents the verification and validation cycles followed, and identifies further steps for field validation.


Author(s):  
Jeswald Salacuse

This chapter explores the nature of governmental policy advice, the roles and methods of governmental advisors, and the range of relationships that may exist between advisors and their clients. Three models of the advisor-client relationship are identified. Model I is the advisor as director, wherein the advisor tends to take control of the advising process, directing the client to take actions to achieve success in governance and policy making. Model II is the advisor as servant, in which the advisor merely responds to the demands of the client for help and guidance in a specific governmental task. Model III is the advisor as partner, wherein the advisor and the government official jointly manage and take co-ownership of the problem to be solved. Factors that lead to the adoption each of these models, the various advising styles that advisors employ, and their differing effects on the policy-making process are also explored.


Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franca Roncarolo ◽  
Marinella Belluati

This article analyses the experience of the second Prodi government from the standpoint of its political communication. The opening part contextualises the case by placing it within the broader framework of coalition governments generally, and briefly outlines the critical elements that, in Italy, prevent any majority from making a genuinely strategic use of communication in the policy-making process. The second part focuses on Prodi's poor communication, highlighting both its limits and the attempts at improvement made by the leader and his staff in 2007. Finally, the third part examines the journalistic coverage of the centre-left majority and considers the trend in public approval for the premier and the government, emphasising the problems that emerged on each side.


2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (5) ◽  
pp. 847-854 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ringa Raudla ◽  
James W. Douglas

PurposeSince regaining its independence, the Estonian government has followed policies of fiscal consolidation when responding to economic crises. Its response to the COVID-19-crisis has been quite different – it has authorized additional expenditures, cut taxes and incurred considerable debt. This paper gives an overview of the budgetary measures adopted and explores the question: why was it different this time?Design/methodology/approachThe authors draw upon policy documents to zoom in on the main political, institutional and economic factors that help to explain Estonia's departure from extreme fiscal conservatism in the midst of the global pandemic.FindingsThe authors found the key political factors to be the party composition of the government, policy diffusion and policy learning. Key economic factors included Estonia's very low level of debt prior to the crisis and credit market advantages gained from Eurozone membership.Originality/valueEstonia presents an interesting case because in all previous crises it responded with fiscal consolidation, whereas it is now responding with extensive fiscal stimulus.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-104
Author(s):  
Wimmy Haliim

People's needs are often considered trivial by bureaucrats who sit in the government of a country. They tend to carry out and make programs or policies with top-down development, but the compatibility between what is needed by the people and what is done by the government is often different. Therefore, a more bottom-up approach must be present in the policy making process that is within the body of government. One of the goals of writing this article is the desire to strengthen the role of the community in the policy-making process that is considered important. The writing of this article uses the use of normative writing models. So that it uses a conceptual approach to explain to readers the importance of the concept of participatory leadership in development policy. Participatory leadership is leadership that bases its policy makers on a mature process of deliberation (deliberation process) by involving the public, so that development policies that are born can answer the needs and improve the socio-economic capabilities of the public. The concept of participatory leadership can be applied to every public official in the central to regional government environment, the government's goal to carry out comprehensive bureaucratic reform can be achieved. Also, the community will be far more independent and strong. The independence and strength of the community, in addition to being used to participate in the planning process, are also very much needed as an external party in monitoring and evaluating development policies. Keywords: Participation, Development Policy, Participatory Leadership Abstrak Kebutuhan rakyat seringkali dianggap hal yang sepele oleh birokrat yang duduk didalam pemerintahan sebuah negara. Mereka memiliki kecenderungan melakukan dan membuat program atau kebijakan dengan pembangunan yang bersifat top-down, namun kesesuaian antara apa yang dibutuhkan rakyat dengan yang dikerjakan oleh pemerintah sering kali berbeda. Maka dari itu, pendekatan yang lebih bottom-up harus hadir didalam proses pembuatan kebijakan yang ada didalam tubuh pemerintah. Salah satu tujuan penulisan artikel ini adalah keinginan untuk memperkuat peran masyarakat dalam proses pembuat kebijakan yang dinilai penting. Penulisan artikel ini menggunakan penggunaan model penulisan normatif. Sehingga didalamnya menggunakan pendekatan konseptual untuk menjelaskan kepada pembaca pentingan konsep kepemimpinan partisipatif dalam kebijakan pembangunan. Kepemimpinan partisipatif adalah kepemimpinan yang mendasarkan pembuat kebijakannya pada proses pertimbangan yang matang (proses deliberasi) dengan mengikutsertakan publik, sehingga kebijakan pembangunan yang lahir bisa menjawab kebutuhan dan meningkatkan kemampuan sosial-ekonomi publik. Konsep kepemimpinan partisipatif ini bisa diaplikasikan pada setiap pejabat publik yang ada dilingkungan pemerintahan pusat hingga daerah, tujuan pemerintah untuk melakukan reformasi birokrasi secara menyeluruh bisa tercapai. Selain itu, masyarakat akan jauh lebih mandiri dan kuat. Kemandirian dan kekuatan masyarakat, selain bisa digunakan untuk ikutserta dalam proses perencanaan, juga sangat dibutuhkan sebagai pihak eksternal dalam pengawasan hingga evaluasi kebijakan pembangunan. Kata Kunci: Partisipasi, Kebijakan Pembangunan, Kepemimpinan Partisipatif.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmad Zainal Abidin ◽  
Imam Fuadi ◽  
Nur Kholis ◽  
Thoriqul Aziz

Shia minority groups in Indonesia are often considered as 'other' religious group by the majority groups, especially Sunnis. Shia groups often receive discrimination from Sunni groups. In dealing with this, sometimes government intervention through its policies is needed. In this study, the authors focus on cases of conflict that have occurred in Sampang and Yogyakarta. Shia groups who are facing discrimination in these two locations appear to be different. Shia groups in Sampang suffered a tragic fate and were expelled from their hometown, while the Shia groups in Yogyakarta did not experience the same fate. This study uses a qualitative method using a case study approach based on Ralf Dahrendorf's conflict theory and Lewis A. Coser's functional theory. This study discovered that the factors of state policy formation in Sampang case which tends to be conflictual are as follows: 1) Social factors: the cause of the conflict starts from the internal conflict of the KH Makmun’s family 2) Cultural factors: the commemoration of the birthday of the Prophet (Maulid Nabi). 3) Political factors: it was coincided with the events of local elections in Sampang (2012) and East Java governoral election (2013) which cause contestations for public votes. 4) Economic factors: the reduction of clerics’ incomes during the commemoration of the Prophet's birthday, followed by a plan for oil and gas exploration. Meanwhile, the factors of state policy formation in Yogyakarta case which tends to be peaceful are as follows: 1) Social factors: the RausyanFikr community has a strategy in defending their rights in the community by merging with the surrounding community. 2). Cultural factors: heterogeneous Yogyakarta society and the tradition of Javanese tolerance (tepo seliro). 3). Political factors: the Rausyan Fikr group does not involve themselves in any political issues and there is no political competition for the votes of the governor (Sultan). 4). Economic factors: the RF group does not have any economic relations to compete with surrounding residents. 5). Other factors: the issue of thought and philosophy which is used as daily-menu of this group and the intervention of the   government of Yogyakarta to protect all members of the community. Therefore, alternative state policies that can be applied in multicultural societies to solve minority-majority problems are the politics of multiculturalism proposed by Charles Taylor 


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 387
Author(s):  
Marlan Hutahaean

The purpose of this article is to delves the implications of a divided or unified government for public policy making in Indonesian democracy transition process. This article used qualitative methodology. Data which was collected during the early phases of the research process was analysed by using several descriptive analysis techniques.The authors found evidence that showed that the formation of a unified government during Gus Dur-Megawati, Megawati-Hamzah Haz, SBY-JK, and SBY-Boediono regimes did not translate into an easy public policy making process. The same is expected to apply to Jokowi-JK government. The existence of a divided government during Jokowi-JK regime continues hampering the policy making process. The existence of a divided or unified government does not have so much influence on the policy making process rather the substance of the policy, the level of support the government can garner in the national assembly.


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