scholarly journals Limits of Protection: Russia and the Orthodox Coreligionists in the Ottoman Empire

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Taki
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Comparative Perspective ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
Legal Basis ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Christian Population

Influence over the Ottoman Christians was the single most important manifestation of Imperial Russia’s “soft power.” In the context of the Russian-Ottoman wars of the eighteenth and early nineteenth century, appeals of the Eastern Christian elites to Moscow and St. Petersburg for protection met with the attempts of the tsars and their commanders to rally the support of the co-religionists. However, Russia’s relations with the Orthodox subjects of the sultan were fraught with great ambiguity. Temporary Russian occupations of particular territories of Turkey-in-Europe during the wars incited among the local Christians the hopes for independence that subsequent restoration of the Porte’s authority would all but destroy. In order to maintain Russia’s standing among the co-religionists, the peace treaty of Kuchuk-Kainarji of 1774 and subsequent Russian-Ottoman agreements included certain guarantees in favor of the Christian population of the returned territories. The present paper offers a comparative perspective on these arrangements, which served the basis for trilateral relations between Russia, the Porte and the elites of Moldavia, Wallachia, the Archipelago and Serbia in the late 1700s and early 1800s.  The difference in attitudes and behaviour of the Romanian, Greek and Serbian leaders arguably explains varying degrees of autonomy that the territories in question enjoyed on the basis of the Russian-Ottoman treaty stipulations. More broadly, the paper seeks to problematize the notion of Russia’s protectorate over the Orthodox co-religionists. It shows that the legal basis of this protectorate remained very uneven, and, that for a long time, the makers of Russia’s Eastern policy dealt with particular Christian elites of Turkey-in-Europe rather than with the entire Orthodox community of the Ottoman Empire.

A historical and collexeme analysis of the development of the compromiser fairly

2008 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 288-314
Author(s):  
Hélène Margerie
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Historical Evolution ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Complementary Distribution ◽  
The Difference

This paper discusses the historical evolution of fairly as a compromiser. Rather, which had already developed into a compromiser by the time fairly started going down the same cline, provides the background for the study of the grammaticalisation of fairly. Based on electronic corpora, the distinctive collexeme analysis I propose (Stefanowitch and Gries 2003) focuses on the collocational preferences exhibited by the two compromisers when combining with an adjective, from the origins of fairly as a compromiser in the early nineteenth century to the present day. The difference in the polarity of the adjectives they modify indicates their complementary distribution. Finally the semantic origin of the two forms provides some insights into the specificities they developed as moderators, showing signs of persistence, as defined in the framework of grammaticalisation, and of subjectification (Traugott 1988, 1995).

The Anglo-Gallicanism of dom Thomas Preston, 1567–1647

1972 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 239-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurus Lunn
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
General Theory ◽  
Corporate Identity ◽  
The Other ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Thin Red Line ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Literary Output ◽  
The Church

Gallicanism - the name given to the general theory that the Church, especially the Church in France, is free from the jurisdiction of the pope, while remaining Roman and Catholic - is familiar to most historians. The existence of such a thing as Anglo-Gallicanism, on the other hand, seems scarcely credible. Post-Reformation English Catholics present the image of a persecuted and retiring group of people, who, in order to preserve their corporate identity, became more Italianate in their culture than the Italians and in their theology more papalist than the popes; and of the majority of English Catholics this was true. But throughout their history there runs a thin red line of dissent, which passes from the Appellant priests in the late sixteenth century, via Blackloism in the seventeenth, to Charles Butler, Joseph Berington and the Catholic Committee at the dawn of emancipation. Gallicanism, and perhaps its English counterpart, were given a death-blow by Napoleon’s application of papal authority to the French bishops. But Anglo-Gallicanism was an unconscionably long time dying, for at Downside in the early nineteenth century William Bernard Ullathorne, later bishop of Birmingham, was taught theology from Gallican textbooks. In this tradition a prominent part, in terms of impact and literary output, was played by another Benedictine, Thomas Preston, alias Roger Widdrington.

Sovereignty, Governance, and Political Community in the Ottoman Empire and North Africa

2018 ◽  
pp. 127-152
Author(s):  
James McDougall
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Early Modern ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Popular Politics ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Cultures ◽  
Late Eighteenth

Early modern Ottoman and European political cultures had more in common than is conventionally admitted. It was the dissolution of their shared world that produced accounts of the rise of democracy as an exclusively European story. In fact, through the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the pattern of commonalities and differences remained complex, as contests over sovereignty, representation, popular movements, and forms of rule played out in uneven, changing, but still entangled worlds. Baki Tezcan’s model of a relatively participatory early modern empire provides a suggestive framework for understanding developments through the early nineteenth century. The fraying of authority and diverse reform attempts after 1780 prompted struggles over more and less accountable ways of ‘reviving’ the empire, and produced new forms of popular politics. Though in the 1860s Young Ottomans began to develop a vision of an Ottoman ‘democratic’ future, ultimately, from the 1880s, a top-down, dirigiste approach triumphed.

Productivity Growth without Technical Change in European Agriculture before 1850

1987 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 419-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory Clark
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Productivity Growth ◽  
Technical Change ◽  
Farm Worker ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Northern United States ◽  
American Case ◽  
European Agriculture

Output per farm worker in the northern United States and Britain in the early nineteenth century was many times that inEastern Europe or in medieval England and wages were correspondingly higher. Technical progress explains little of the high American and British productivity in the early nineteenth century, nor, in the American case, does abundant land per worker. Instead, most of the difference derived from more intense labor in America and Britain.

scholarly journals Neo-Ottomanism and Cool Japan in comparative perspective

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Murat Ergin ◽  
Chika Shinohara
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Popular Culture ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Youth Culture ◽  
The State ◽  
Comparative Perspective ◽  
Cultural Consumption ◽  
Cool Japan

Abstract Turkey and Japan have comparable histories of modernization beginning in the nineteenth century. They have since then produced modernities that are considered a mix of “Eastern” and “Western.” Over recent decades, both faced the question of what comes after modernity and began manufacturing their versions of authenticities and cultural exports. This paper comparatively locates two symptoms of this process. “Neo-Ottomanism” refers to the increasing cultural consumption of Turkey’s imperial past while “Cool Japan” emphasizes popular products in entertainment, fashion, youth culture, and food, intending to shift Japan’s image to a “cool” place. Both projects, in different ways, are sponsored by the state; yet their reception in popular culture illustrates the vexed relationship between the state and culture: while states endeavor to colonize culture for their own interests, popular culture provides avenues to outwit the state’s attempts. Popular culture’s autonomy in both contexts has to do with the collapse of traditional hierarchies, which has paved the ways for the promotion and export of new identity claims. Local and global representations of neo-Ottomanism and Cool Japan differ. Internally, they are fragmented; externally, they are linked to international “soft power,” and offer alternatives modernities in Turkey and Japan’s regional areas of influence.

scholarly journals The Treaty of Sevres as the legal basis for the Western Armenia’s territorial claims to Turkey

1970 ◽  
pp. 216-225
Author(s):  
Olena Polivanova ◽  
Anna Abraamian
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
The Other ◽  
Peace Treaty ◽  
Legal Basis ◽  
Legal Obligations ◽  
Territorial Claims ◽  
The One ◽  
Multilateral Treaty ◽  
Legal Grounds

This article contains the analysis on whether there are historical and legal grounds for Western Armenia to become a member of the United Nations relying on the Treaty of Sevres. For this, the author makes the research on historical circumstances in which the Treaty of Sevres – the Peace Treaty, negotiated by the Allied and Associated Powers on the one hand, and the Ottoman Empire – on the other, finally signed by them, never came into force. For the same reason, the article, referring to the Treaty of Sevres, provides arguments in respect of the legal obligations of the parties to the multilateral treaty, which was signed by the “High Contracting Parties”, but did not come into force in accordance with its provisions.

HOW TO MAKE FRIENDS AND INFLUENCE PEOPLE: ELEMENTARY EDUCATION, FRENCH “INFLUENCE,” AND THE BALKANS, 1815–1830S

2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 621-649 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALEX R. TIPEI
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Elementary Education ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Popular Education ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Political Center

This article challenges the notion of French “influence.” It traces a network of like-minded reformers in France and the Balkans that came together in the early nineteenth century to further popular education. Examining interactions between actors in a cultural, scientific, and political center (France) and their allies on the periphery (in present-day Greece and Romania), the article reassesses these relationships, revealing the extent to which French individuals and organizations depended on such partnerships. Conceiving of joint Franco-Balkan reform agendas as programs of development, it offers a model and a vocabulary for the study of French soft power in post-Napoleonic Europe.

Centres and Peripheries

2019 ◽  
pp. 177-209
Author(s):  
Paul Stock
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
German States ◽  
Late Eighteenth

Chapter 8 examines the questions and complications surrounding apparent ‘centres’ and ‘peripheries’ of Europe. Late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century geographical texts appear to regard certain states or regions as especially significant to overall conceptions of the continent, thanks either to their reputed importance or their supposed fringe status. The chapter focuses on Russia, France, the Italian states, Greece and the Ottoman Empire, the German states, and Britain. Analysis shows, however, that it is problematic to distinguish too sharply between core and periphery areas of Europe as regions can instead be both central and marginal simultaneously.

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