scholarly journals Misperceptions Between Japan and Russia

2000 ◽  
pp. 88
Author(s):  
Semyon Verbitsky ◽  
Tsuyoshi Hasegawa ◽  
Gilbert Rozman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Russian Far East ◽  
Far East ◽  
Northeast Asia ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Policy Choices ◽  
Bilateral Relationship ◽  
Security Environment

The twentieth century has witnessed repeated occasions when Japan and Russia have taken each other's measure and decided on policy accordingly. In the years 1985 to 1999 such mutual testing occuned again amidst adjustments in the direction of each country's global role. As has often been the case, the RussoJapanese relationship was not the main event on the world stage. Both countries placed higher priority on relations with the United States and with China. But to rank this bilateral relationship below two others is not to belittle the stakes involved. For Russia, Tokyo's strategy to look east or west and within Asia to focus in the northeast or the southeast has throughout the century made a great difference in war or peace, in development or isolation. For Japan, Moscow's strategy to balance west and east, and in the east to concentrate on China or Japan, has had telling consequences for other foreign policy choices. At stake in this bilateral relationship have been the development of Siberia and the Russian Far East; the security environment in Northeast Asia including Korea; the prospects of triangular or quadrangular relations with China and the United States; and the balance of power among the world's great powers.

U.S.-Russian Relations and the North Korean Crisis: A Role for the Russian Far East?

Asian Survey ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 722-735 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Clay Moltz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Russian Far East ◽  
Far East ◽  
The United States ◽  
Energy Reserves ◽  
Nuclear Program ◽  
The North ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Far East

Because of its energy reserves and long history of economic links with North Korea, the Russian Far East could provide useful incentives needed to help convince Pyongyang to abandon its nuclear program. For this reason, the United States should begin crafting a regionally based strategy that includes Russia.

Bilaterals, Trilaterals and G2: Pragmatic Hedging Between Great Powers and the Role of the Middle Powers and Small States in Northeast Asia

2016 ◽  
Vol 08 (02) ◽  
pp. 58-67
Author(s):  
Tai Wei LIM
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Northeast Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Community ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Small States ◽  
Common Denominator ◽  
Middle Powers ◽  
Northeast Asian

Trilateral diplomacy offers an opportunity for Northeast Asian leaders to meet and talk in a business-like manner, rather than having the region risk skirmishes between maritime coastguards and fishermen, helicopter landings by politicians on disputed islands and icy-cold poses during leadership summits. In such conversations, the United States remains the most acceptable common denominator for other large states and middle powers in the international community.

Progress in the classical biological control of Agrilus planipennis Fairmaire (Coleoptera: Buprestidae) in North America

2015 ◽  
Vol 147 (3) ◽  
pp. 300-317 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leah S. Bauer ◽  
Jian J. Duan ◽  
Juli R. Gould ◽  
Roy Van Driesche
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Biological Control ◽  
North America ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Russian Far East ◽  
Far East ◽  
Classical Biological Control ◽  
The United States ◽  
Agrilus Planipennis ◽  
Larval Parasitoids

AbstractFirst detected in North America in 2002, the emerald ash borer (EAB) (Agrilus planipennis Fairmaire; Coleoptera: Buprestidae), an invasive phloem-feeding beetle from Asia, has killed tens of millions of ash (Fraxinus Linnaeus; Oleaceae) trees. Although few parasitoids attack EAB in North America, three parasitoid species were found attacking EAB in China: the egg parasitoid Oobius agrili Zhang and Huang (Hymenoptera: Encyrtidae) and two larval parasitoids Tetrastichus planipennisi Yang (Hymenoptera: Eulophidae) and Spathius agrili Yang (Hymenoptera: Braconidae). In 2007, classical biological control of EAB began in the United States of America after release of these three species was approved. In 2013, release of the larval parasitoids was approved in Canada. Research continues at study sites in Michigan, United States of America where the establishment, prevalence, and spread of O. agrili and T. planipennisi have been monitored since 2008. However, establishment of S. agrili remains unconfirmed in northern areas, and its release is now restricted to regions below the 40th parallel. In 2015, approval for release of Spathius galinae Belokobylskij (Hymenoptera: Braconidae), an EAB larval parasitoid from the Russian Far East, may be granted in the United States of America. Researchers are guardedly optimistic that a complex of introduced and native natural enemies will regulate EAB densities below a tolerance threshold for survival of ash species or genotypes in forested ecosystems.

The Unipolar Illusion Revisited: The Coming End of the United States' Unipolar Moment

2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Layne
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Political System ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Second Tier ◽  
Distribution Of Power ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
New Distribution

The conventional wisdom among U.S. grand strategists is that U.S. hegemony is exceptional—that the United States need not worry about other states engaging in counterhegemonic balancing against it. The case for U.S. hegemonic exceptionalism, however, is weak. Contrary to the predictions of Waltzian balance of power theorists, no new great powers have emerged since the end of the Cold War to restore equilibrium to the balance of power by engaging in hard balancing against the United States—that is, at least, not yet. This has led primacists to conclude that there has been no balancing against the United States. Here, however, they conflate the absence of a new distribution of power in the international political system with the absence of balancing behavior by the major second-tier powers. Moreover, the primacists' focus on the failure of new great powers to emerge, and the absence of traditional “hard” (i.e., military) counterbalancing, distracts attention from other forms of counterbalancing—notably “leash-slipping”—by major second-tier states that ultimately could lead to the same result: the end of unipolarity. Because unipolarity is the foundation of U.S. hegemony, if it ends, so too will U.S. primacy.

scholarly journals Recasting ‘Nuclear-Free Korean Peninsula’ as a Sino-American Language for Co-ordination

2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-81
Author(s):  
TAKU TAMAKI
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Korean Peninsula ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Bilateral Relationship ◽  
The North ◽  
The Us ◽  
Nuclear Issue ◽  
Constructivist Perspective

AbstractA series of Six-Party Talks involving the United States, China, Japan, South and North Korea, and Russia resulted in the emergence of a narrative of a ‘nuclear-free Korean Peninsula’. Given the prevalence of nuclear weapons amidst Sino-American rivalry, the area is hardly ‘nuclear-free’. Instead, the phrase has evolved into a common signifier for the US and China, suggesting that, despite their rivalries, the North Korean nuclear issue can be detrimental for both – a rare convergence of interests in an often sensitive bilateral relationship. This article provides a Constructivist perspective to this particular aspect of Sino-American balance of power by taking the language of ‘nuclear-free’ seriously, recasting the phrase as borne of both mutual scepticism, as well as convergent interests, over the Korean Peninsula.

scholarly journals The Chinese Civil War based on «Foreign Affairs» magazine

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 224-229
Author(s):  
Sergey O. Buranok ◽  
Dmitriy A. Nesterov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Far East ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Complex Problem ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Chinese Civil War ◽  
Post War

In this paper the authors consider the materials of one of the leading American analytical magazines Foreign Affairs, devoted to the Chinese Civil War in 19291950. The novelty of this study lies in the analysis of assessments of key actors and assessments of the situation in the country as well as a possible outcome of the conflict which were made by American journalists. The authors provide the results of the analysis of Foreign Affairs articles for the formation of Mao Zedong image in connection with the events of that time. The authors reviewed the main arguments of the American press, which revealed that the problem of the civil war was one of the components of the complex problem of planning a post-war reconstruction of the world. The United States was primarily interested in changes in the balance of power in the Far East, tried to assess the possible outcomes of the conflict and how they would affect the United States itself (mainly in the economic sphere). But as the victory of the Chinese Communist Party, headed by Mao Zedong, approached the Kuomintang support from American experts weakened. The study of this information phenomenon will allow researchers to understand what impact on Sino-American relations was made by an influential American analytical magazine through the formation of ideas about China, the Chinese people and their political elites.

scholarly journals A Transregional Approach in US Policy in the Asia Pacific Region in the Early 1980s

2018 ◽  
pp. 71-75
Author(s):  
Vladimir Kulikov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
Far East ◽  
Northeast Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
Military Establishment

The following article attempts, from the viewpoint of Russian interests, to confirm the thesis of the continuity of long-term approaches of the military-political establishment of the United States to security problems in the Asia – Pacific region, formulated or confirmed in early 1980’s by Ronald Reagan administration, based on the analysis of one of the most significant American collective monographs of that period. Special attention to this well-known work is due to the fact that it, in the author’s opinion, for the first time in a rather concise form reflected the then completed process of understanding of the experience of American participation in the Vietnam war (or in the broader sense of “deep involvement in Asia”), as well as the new role of the so-called “Chinese factor” and traditional allies of the United States by influential representatives of the intellectual military establishment at that time. Despite the inadequacy of this approach to the analysis of deeper socio-economic processes in Northeast Asia (by the way, in the historiography of that time the region was often called the Far East), which determine the main directions and specifics of the situation, the continuity of the scale of priorities of American policy in the AsiaPacific region and commitment to transregional and transit strategies are still significant today. The author suggests that at the present time there is a process of reformulation and bringing in line with the slogans of the “New Americanism” of the agenda of American power policy, which will take into account the tools specified in the work of its implementation in the sphere of “vital interests” of Russia.

scholarly journals Russia's Nuclear Weapons in a Multipolar World: Guarantors of Sovereignty, Great Power Status & More

Daedalus ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 149 (2) ◽  
pp. 37-55
Author(s):  
Anya Loukianova Fink ◽  
Olga Oliker
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
International Security ◽  
Arms Control ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Missile Defense ◽  
Security Environment ◽  
Strategic Stability

At a time of technological and political change in the international security environment, Russia continues to view nuclear weapons as guarantors of peace and security among great powers. Nuclear weapons also assure Russia's own great-power status and mitigate uncertainty in an emerging multipolar order. In a world where the United States pursues improved missile defense capabilities and appears to reject mutual vulnerability as a stabilizing factor, Moscow views its modernized nuclear arsenal as essential to deter Washington from a possible attack on Russia or coercive threats against it. Some elites in Russia would like to preserve existing arms control arrangements or negotiate new ones to mitigate a weakening infrastructure of strategic stability. At the same time, however, they seem skeptical that the United States is willing to compromise or deal with Russia as an equal. Meanwhile, multilateral arms control appears to be too complex a proposition for the time being.

Sino-Latin American Relations: Sources and Consequences, 1977–1997

1999 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-116
Author(s):  
Frank O. Mora
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Third World ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Technological Cooperation ◽  
Latin American Countries

Diplomatic and economic relations between Latin American countries and the People’s Republic of China have become increasingly relevant for both sides, particularly in the areas of trade, investment, and scientific and technological cooperation. Relations have also intensified because of changes in the international balance of power; the PRC’s Third World policy is shaped by the friction between the PRC and the world’s great powers, including the United States. Competition from Taiwan for Latin American opportunities is another significant influence.

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