Sino-Latin American Relations: Sources and Consequences, 1977–1997

1999 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-116
Author(s):  
Frank O. Mora
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Third World ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Technological Cooperation ◽  
Latin American Countries

Diplomatic and economic relations between Latin American countries and the People’s Republic of China have become increasingly relevant for both sides, particularly in the areas of trade, investment, and scientific and technological cooperation. Relations have also intensified because of changes in the international balance of power; the PRC’s Third World policy is shaped by the friction between the PRC and the world’s great powers, including the United States. Competition from Taiwan for Latin American opportunities is another significant influence.

scholarly journals Drug prices in Latin American countries: the case of rheumatoid arthritis Biosimilars

2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriela Bittencourt Gonzalez Mosegui ◽  
Fernando Antõnanzas ◽  
Cid Manso de Mello Vianna ◽  
Paula Rojas
Keyword(s):  
Rheumatoid Arthritis ◽  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Purchasing Power Parity ◽  
The United States ◽  
Power Parity ◽  
Drug Prices ◽  
The Us ◽  
Latin American Countries

Abstract Background The objective of this paper is to analyze the prices of biological drugs in the treatment of Rheumatoid Arthritis (RA) in three Latin American countries (Brazil, Colombia and Mexico), as well as in Spain and the United States of America (US), from the point of market entry of biosimilars. Methods We analyzed products authorized for commercialization in the last 20 years, in Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico, comparing them to the United States of America (USA) and Spain. For this analysis, we sought the prices and registries of drugs marketed between 1999 and October 1, 2019, in the regulatory agencies’ databases. The pricing between countries was based on purchasing power parity (PPP). Results The US authorized the commercialization of 13 distinct biologicals and four biosimilars in the period. Spain and Brazil marketed 14 biopharmaceuticals for RA, ten original, four biosimilars. Colombia and Mexico have authorized three biosimilars in addition to the ten biological ones. For biological drug prices, the US is the most expensive country. Spain’s price behavior seems intermediate when compared to the three LA countries. Brazil has the highest LA prices, followed by Mexico and Colombia, which has the lowest prices. Spain has the lowest values in PPP, compared to LA countries, while the US has the highest prices. Conclusion The economic effort that LA countries make to access these medicines is much higher than the US and Spain. The use of the PPP ensured a better understanding of the actual access to these inputs in the countries analyzed.

The Epidemiology of Drug Promotion

1977 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Milton Silverman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Prescription Drugs ◽  
The United States ◽  
Corporate Ethics ◽  
Social Responsibilities ◽  
The One ◽  
Global Company ◽  
Latin American Countries

A survey was conducted on the promotion of 28 prescription drugs in the form of 40 different products marketed in the United States and Latin America by 23 multinational pharmaceutical companies. Striking differences were found in the manner in which the identical drug, marketed by the identical company or its foreign affiliate, was described to physicians in the United States and to physicians in Latin America. In the United States, the listed indications were usually few in number, while the contraindications, warnings, and potential adverse reactions were given in extensive detail. In Latin America, the listed indications were far more numerous, while the hazards were usually minimized, glossed over, or totally ignored. The differences were not simply between the United States on the one hand and all the Latin American countries on the other. There were substantial differences within Latin America, with the same global company telling one story in Mexico, another in Central America, a third in Ecuador and Colombia, and yet another in Brazil. The companies have sought to defend these practices by contending that they are not breaking any Latin American laws. In some countries, however, such promotion is in clear violation of the law. The corporate ethics and social responsibilities concerned here call for examination and action.

Research Productivity and International Collaboration: A Study of Ecuadorian Science

2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 369-387 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Antonio Castillo ◽  
Michael A. Powell
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
International Collaboration ◽  
Research Productivity ◽  
Research Output ◽  
Scientific Productivity ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Government ◽  
Latin American Countries

Ecuador’s research output relative to other Latin American countries has been low historically; however, over the last 10 years, the government has put various policies in place to help remedy this situation. This is an analysis of Ecuadorian research productivity from 2006 to 2015. The scientific productivity of Ecuador has increased 5.16 times over the past years, exceeding Latin American growth. Over 80% of Ecuadorian publications include international collaboration mainly with the United States and some European and Latin American countries.

Spanish-speaking Anarchists in the United States

2019 ◽  
pp. 86-102
Author(s):  
Susana Sueiro Seoane
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
Latin American ◽  
York City ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Spanish Speaking ◽  
The World ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
Different Parts

This chapter analyzes Cultura Obrera (Labor Culture), published in New York City from 1911 to 1927. Pedro Esteve, the primary editor, gave expression to his ideas in this newspaper and while it represented Spanish firemen and marine workers, it reported on many other workers’ struggles in different parts of the world, for example, supporting and collecting funds for the Mexican revolutionary brothers Flores Magón. This newspaper, as all the anarchist press, was part of a transnational network and had a circulation not only in many parts of the United States but also in Latin American countries, including Argentina and Cuba, as well as on the other side of the Atlantic, in Spain and various European countries.

The Diplomatic Campaign, 1963–1966

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregg A. Brazinsky
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Third World ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
African Countries ◽  
The Third ◽  
United Front ◽  
The Third World

During the early 1960s, Beijing launched a new diplomatic effort to raise its visibility and promote its viewpoints in the Third World. Its goal was to assemble a radical coalition (or united front) of Afro-Asian states that opposed imperialism and revisionism. The PRC took advantage of the frustrations with the Great Powers harbored by Indonesia, Cambodia, Pakistan and some of the newly independent African countries to win allies in the Third World. The United States constantly sought to undermine these efforts by advocating more moderate versions of nonalignment and mobilizing public opinion against Chinese officials when they travelled abroad.

Global Assertion, Soft and Hard

2020 ◽  
pp. 325-389
Author(s):  
Atul Kohli
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Economic Development ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Benefits ◽  
Washington Consensus ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Lost Decade ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
Roll Back

This chapter analyzes America’s global assertion in the post–Cold War period. This assertion has followed both economic and military pathways. The imposition of the Washington Consensus on Latin American countries is an example of economic assertion. The United States was moved in this direction to first rescue highly indebted American banks and then to roll back statist models of economic development in the region. Economic benefits to the United States were considerable. Latin American countries experienced a lost decade of growth, followed by some resumption of growth, but were still mainly dependent on commodity exports. Hard militarism in the Middle East has been motivated by goals that were vaguer but included establishing primacy over an oil-rich region. The results have been at best, mixed. The war in Iraq was very costly. A half million Iraqis died. The benefits to the United States are not obvious and Iraq struggles to be a functioning state under American influence.

Geopolitical Themes in the Writings of General Carlos de Meira Mattos of Brazil

1984 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 439-461 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip L. Kelly
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Southern Cone ◽  
World War ◽  
Latin American Countries

Interest in geopolitics in England, the United States, and many other countries became dormant following World War II in reaction to the expansionisticgeopolitikof Hitlerian strategists. Its re-awakening is only recently apparent. However, this approach has maintained its influence and vitality in South America's Southern Cone, particularly in Argentina, Chile and Brazil, where military governments predominate, the United States is more distant, and particular national problems encourage traditional geopolitical solutions. Among these Latin American countries, Brazil's geopolitics is the most developed and extensive.

Latin American Philosophy and the Place of Alejandro Korn

1960 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-82
Author(s):  
W. J. Kilgore
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Theoretical Aspect ◽  
The United States ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Creative Development ◽  
Latin American Philosophy ◽  
American Philosophy ◽  
Latin American Countries

The development of philosophical ideas in Latin America has tended to reflect the major philosophical thought in Europe. There probably has been greater interest in philosophical ideas in Latin America than in the United States. In many instances, this interest has manifested itself not in the creative development of the content of philosophy but rather in the support which philosophical positions could provide proponents of the status quo or reformers with a basis for justification of social, political, educational, economic or religious programs.There has developed in many Latin American countries during this century an increasing number of works which are concerned with the theoretical aspect of philosophy.

scholarly journals Effects of Financial Crises on Latin American Economies-Colombia Case and the SMEs

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Jenny A. SEGURA ◽  
Victor J. SARMIENTO
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Financial Literacy ◽  
Financial Crises ◽  
The United States ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Vital Importance ◽  
International Financial Crises ◽  
National Production ◽  
Latin American Countries

This article analyzes the most representative international financial crises in Colombia since 1990: the Asian crisis of 1997 and the Sub-Prime crisis of 2008 in the United States. Likewise, the impacts and their effects on national production in some Latin American countries are indicated. Finally, it is shown how financial literacy cushions the negative effects on small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), which are of vital importance in the economy for its contribution to GDP and the generation of formal jobs.

Atoms for Peace in Latin America

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gisela Mateos ◽  
Edna Suárez-Díaz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Technical Assistance ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nuclear Industry ◽  
Atomic Energy ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
The U.S

On December 8, 1953, in the midst of increasing nuclear weapons testing and geopolitical polarization, United States President Dwight D. Eisenhower launched the Atoms for Peace initiative. More than a pacifist program, the initiative is nowadays seen as an essential piece in the U.S. defense strategy and foreign policy at the beginning of the Cold War. As such, it pursued several ambitious goals, and Latin America was an ideal target for most of them: to create political allies, to ease fears of the deadly atomic energy while fostering receptive attitudes towards nuclear technologies, to control and avoid development of nuclear weapons outside the United States and its allies, and to open or redirect markets for the new nuclear industry. The U.S. Department of State, through the Foreign Operations Administration, acted in concert with several domestic and foreign middle-range actors, including people at national nuclear commissions, universities, and industrial funds, to implement programs of regional technical assistance, education and training, and technological transfer. Latin American countries were classified according to their stage of nuclear development, with Brazil at the top and Argentina and Mexico belonging to the group of “countries worthy of attention.” Nuclear programs often intersected with development projects in other areas, such as agriculture and public health. Moreover, Eisenhower’s initiative required the recruitment of local actors, natural resources and infrastructures, governmental funding, and standardized (but localized techno-scientific) practices from Latin American countries. As Atoms for Peace took shape, it began to rely on newly created multilateral and regional agencies, such as the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) of the United Nations and the Inter-American Nuclear Energy Commission (IANEC) of the Organization of American States (OAS). Nevertheless, as seen from Latin America, the implementation of atomic energy for peaceful purposes was reinterpreted in different ways in each country. This fact produced different outcomes, depending on the political, economic, and techno-scientific expectations and interventions of the actors involved. It provided, therefore, an opportunity to create local scientific elites and infrastructure. Finally, the peaceful uses of atomic energy allowed the countries in the region to develop national and international political discourses framing the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean signed in Tlatelolco, Mexico City, in 1967, which made Latin America the first atomic weapons–free populated zone in the world.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document