What's Gay about Being Single? A Qualitative Study of the Lived Experiences of Older Single Gay Men

2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 48-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yiu Tung Suen

This paper contributes to the theorization of ‘choice’ within sociological understanding of singlehood. Previous sociological research on singlehood has largely focused on the lives of heterosexual singles. A choice narrative permeates such literature, depicting singlehood as a celebratory story that brings about the potential to disrupt the couplehood culture in society. Based on in-depth interviews with 25 self-identified single gay men over the age of 50 in England, this article finds that although gay singles share similarities with straight singles, there are gay-specific features of singlehood that can be identified, in terms of the limit of ‘choice’. Although some older single gay men drew on the cultural discourse in the gay community, which decentres the conjugal couple, and claimed freedom of sexual exploration as a positive aspect of being single, there was also a strong sense that many older gay men's status of being single was shaped by a larger history, and hence, they were afforded no choice in choosing whether to be single or not. Taking these findings together, this paper suggests that there are ideological, historical and cultural factors that distinguish the lived experiences of single gay men as being different from those of heterosexual singles. This paper argues that although the discourse of ‘choice’ helps sociologists to understand that singlehood need not be understood as necessarily a negative experience, older gay men's experiences of singlehood caution that the choice narrative shall not mislead the analysis to focus singlehood merely on the individual level. Instead, singlehood needs to be understood as deeply socially and historically embedded.

2019 ◽  
pp. 004912411987596
Author(s):  
Tim Futing Liao

In common sociological research, income inequality is measured only at the aggregate level. The main purpose of this article is to demonstrate that there is more than meets the eye when inequality is indicated by a single measure. In this article, I introduce an alternative method that evaluates individuals’ contributions to inequality as well as the between-group and within-group components of these individual contributions. I first highlight three common inequality measures, the Gini index and two generalized entropy measures—Theil’s T and Theil’s L indices—by presenting their individual components as a method for evaluating inequality. Five artificial data examples illustrate the use of these individual components first. An empirical analysis of the 2007 and 2017 Current Population Survey data then focuses on the differences in inequality revealed by such individual inequality components between the 2007 and 2017. The individual-level inequality measures can reveal patterns of inequality concealed by single measures at the aggregate level. In particular, the Gini individual measures differentiate cases better than the generalized entropy measures and tend to have smaller standard errors in a regression analysis.


2017 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brandon Gorman

Many scholars argue that politics in majority-Muslim societies are marked by deep polarization: dominated by struggles between secularists and Islamists who hold fundamentally divergent ideological positions. Yet, this finding is likely a result of scholarly focus on Islamist organizations and political parties rather than their constituencies. Using Tunisia as a case study, this article investigates attitudinal polarization between secularists and Islamists at the individual level using a mixed-method design combining statistical analyses of survey data with content analyses of in-depth interviews. Statistical results indicate that Islamists are no different from non-Islamists in attitudes about excommunication ( takfir), popular sovereignty, women’s rights, or minority rights, though they are more skeptical of democracy and express less religious tolerance. Interview results show that many political procedures advocated by Islamists resemble the secular procedures they seek to replace and, though secularists tend to have negative views of Islamists, many express support for Islamist ideological positions. Taken together, these findings provide little evidence of attitudinal polarization along the so-called secular–Islamist divide.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 351 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffery Adams ◽  
Rommel Coquilla ◽  
Jed Montayre ◽  
Stephen Neville

ABSTRACT INTRODUCTIONHIV pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) is a new bio-medical means of reducing the risk of HIV infection. It’s use by individuals at high risk of HIV acquisition is recommended. AimsThis study identifies the ways immigrant Asian gay men living in New Zealand talk about and understand issues related to PrEP. METHODSA qualitative descriptive methodology was used. Individual interviews were conducted with 18 immigrant Asian gay men who were not users of PrEP. Participants were aged 21 – 36 years and one-third had arrived in New Zealand within 3 years of completing the interview. Data were analysed using thematic analysis. RESULTSThree themes evident across the men’s talk in relation to pre-exposure prophylaxis were identified: ‘I’m not sure what PrEP is’; ‘PrEP is not proven’; and ‘PrEP is for others, not me’. DISCUSSIONPrEP is necessary for working towards the elimination of HIV. To improve uptake among Asian gay men, improved literacy around HIV and pre-exposure prophylaxis is required. This knowledge needs to be improved at both the individual level in primary care services and collectively through health promotion initiatives. These services and health promotion initiatives need to be provided in ways that encourage engagement by Asian gay men.


This research study is designed to understand reporting traumatic incidents in Pakistani media and the individual level factors that influence a journalist’s decision while covering a traumatic incident and his/her decision of selecting information to include in or exclude from news.This study uses a qualitative research design to analyze the research question. The researcher used in-depth interviews with journalists in Peshawar and Tribal Districtsof Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Thirtyjournalists were recruited (news reporters, editors and photographers) working for media (print, broadcast and online), whose primary beat is ‘crime’ or “violentevents” along with other beats. The participants of the study were selected by purposive and snowball sampling techniques. Thematic Analysis as a method was used to analyze the data, i.e., interviews with journalists. Thedata was examined through the lens of the Hierarchy of Influences Model (HOI), which is an extension ofthe Gatekeeping Theory. The findingsshow thateducation, training, experience, focus on crime and conflict, newsworthiness of the story, self-promotion, and Job security influence a journalist’s decision while covering a traumatic incident in Pakistani media.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-92
Author(s):  
Rulan Permata Sari

The basic identity of academic community of UIN Imam Bonjol Padang is Muslim, with sufficient religious knowledge. This study aims to see the correlation of knowledge with behavior in maintaining environmental cleanliness. The research data collection was carried out by survey and in-depth interviews with the academic community of UIN Imam Bonjol. This study found that, first the understanding of the academic community of UIN Imam Bonjol Padang about cleanliness was quite good at the individual level originating from the hadith about cleanliness, both in text and in substance. Second, in maintaining cleanliness, UIN academics are influenced by the lack of available hygiene facilities and infrastructure and the absence of regulation. Third, there is an asymmetrical relationship between the knowledge of the UIN academic community about environmental hygiene and practice because the understanding of environmental hygiene is still in the domestic area and is private in nature, not yet entering the public space.


Journalism ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 146488492110366
Author(s):  
Lindita Camaj

This study examines media coverage of the 2019 anti-government protests in Montenegro. Based on 13 in-depth interviews and a quantitative content analysis, the data shed light on ways in which democratization struggles are manifested via protest framing in a polarized media system. This paper argues that media clientelism, as manifested through political parallelism and media instrumentalization, provides a better theoretical and analytical framework to understand not only the influence of structural factors that determine protest coverage, but also the role of ideology and journalism cultures embraced at the individual level. This framework is helpful to understand the role of media in democratic struggle not only in emerging and defective democracies, but also in increasingly polarizing societies in the West.


2017 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 369-401 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Malthaner

AbstractOver the course of the past decade, “radicalization” has become prevalent as an analytical paradigm to interpret and explain phenomena of political violence, notably in research on jihadist terrorism and Western “foreign fighters” in Syria and Iraq. Thereby, while to some extent opening up new avenues of investigation, the concept also significantly re-shaped the way in which phenomena of political violence were analyzed and explained, focusing analytical attention on processes of cognitive and ideological transformation, mainly at the individual level. The purpose of this article is to examine some of the main strands of development in recent research on radicalization, with reference to and within the context of broader sociological research on political violence as well as reviewing critical debates and recently emerging sub-fields of investigation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (12) ◽  
pp. 460
Author(s):  
Beatriz Jordá ◽  
Azahara Cañedo ◽  
Márton Bene ◽  
Manuel Goyanes

Filtering strategies enable social media users to remove undesired content from their feeds, potentially creating homophilic environments. Although previous studies have addressed the individual-level factors and content features that influence these decisions, few have solely focused on users’ perceptions. Accordingly, this study applies social exchange theory to understand how users socially construct the process of unfriending. Based on 30 in-depth interviews with young Spaniards, we identify a widespread pattern of rejection over repetitive, opinion-challenging, and offensive posts, which we conceptualize as out-of-place content, a type of social media stimulus that hinders substantive online exchanges and challenges users’ understanding of social reality and individual values. This study contributes to current literature on unfriending by suggesting that filtering strategies are implemented gradually when posts overwhelm users’ tolerance threshold. Our findings also suggest that their deployment hinges on the closeness of the relationship between peers and social commitments formed in specific platforms. Future research is needed to assess to what extent the patterns identified in our interviews are present in the overall population.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Wollum ◽  
Shelly Makleff ◽  
Sarah E. Baum

Background: The Individual-Level Abortion Stigma (ILAS) scale is a tool to measure multiple dimensions of stigma among people who have abortions. Despite use of the scale globally, little is known about participant experiences completing the scale. We assessed reactions to and experiences with the scale among women who obtained abortions in Mexico, exploring how the items made them feel about themselves and their abortion.Methods: We conducted 10 in-depth interviews with women approximately 6 months after their abortion. We explored experiences answering the ILAS overall as well as each sub-scale (self-judgement; worries about judgement; isolation; community condemnation). We used thematic analysis to examine overall experiences with the ILAS and framework analysis to summarize responses by sub-scale.Results: Many respondents reported positive experiences responding to the scale or said it served a therapeutic purpose. Other participants said the scale caused strong or mixed emotions or generated doubts. Women generally described mixed and negative reactions to the “worries about judgement” and “community condemnation” sub-scales, and more neutral or positive reactions to the “isolation” and “self judgement” sub-scales. Nearly all respondents hypothesized that completing the ILAS at the time of their abortion would be more difficult than responding months after their abortion.Conclusions: People can experience both positive and negative effects when responding to abortion stigma scales. Use of the scales may cause discomfort and introduce concepts that further perpetuate stigma. This study highlights the importance of carefully considering when it is appropriate to implement the scale and exploring safeguards for participants.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-404
Author(s):  
Jan Jämte ◽  
Rune Ellefsen

This article examines the consequences of soft repression on social movement activists. By drawing on activists’ perceptions, we develop a multilayered analytical framework that captures the experienced effects of soft repression at the individual, organizational, and movement levels. Our results show that soft repression—in particular, labeling, and stigmatization—primarily affect the individual level by triggering self-policing and self-control. By introducing a model that incorporates several radical social movement organizations, we also show how labeling and stigmatization affect different radical groups in different ways. These measures sometimes fail to demobilize the primary targets of the repressive actions, the most militant and clandestine groups. Instead, the demobilizing effects seem most evident in organizations that mobilize openly and inclusively. Our analysis is based on in-depth interviews with activists from the radical left-libertarian movement (RLLM) in Sweden, most of which have been active in organizations labeled as “violence-affirming extremists” by the Swedish government.


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