scholarly journals “Singulis Etruriae populis”: The Political Mobilization of the Etruscan Foundation Myth in the Self-Conception of Renaissance Florence

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Salamanca
Keyword(s):  
Political Mobilization ◽  
The Self ◽  
The Political ◽  
Foundation Myth ◽  
Renaissance Florence

Immanence and Micropolitics

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Gilliam
Keyword(s):  
Power Relations ◽  
The Self ◽  
The Political ◽  
Industrial Capitalism ◽  
Conceptual Necessity ◽  
Post Industrial ◽  
Pure Immanence ◽  
Alternative Understanding

Christian Gilliam argues that a philosophy of ‘pure’ immanence is integral to the development of an alternative understanding of ‘the political’; one that re-orients our understanding of the self toward the concept of an unconscious or ‘micropolitical’ life of desire. He argues that here, in this ‘life’, is where the power relations integral to the continuation of post-industrial capitalism are most present and most at stake. Through proving its philosophical context, lineage and political import, Gilliam ultimately justifies the conceptual necessity of immanence in understanding politics and resistance, thereby challenging the claim that ontologies of ‘pure’ immanence are either apolitical or politically incoherent.

Before Reagan: The Development of Abortion’s Partisan Divide

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 1031-1047
Author(s):  
Neil A. O’Brian
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mass Public ◽  
Pro Life ◽  
Pro Choice

What explains the alignment of antiabortion positions within the Republican party? I explore this development among voters, activists, and elites before 1980. By 1970, antiabortion attitudes among ordinary voters correlated with conservative views on a range of noneconomic issues including civil rights, Vietnam, feminism and, by 1972, with Republican presidential vote choice. These attitudes predated the parties taking divergent abortion positions. I argue that because racial conservatives and military hawks entered the Republican coalition before abortion became politically activated, issue overlap among ordinary voters incentivized Republicans to oppose abortion rights once the issue gained salience. Likewise, because proabortion voters generally supported civil rights, once the GOP adopted a Southern strategy, this predisposed pro-choice groups to align with the Democratic party. A core argument is that preexisting public opinion enabled activist leaders to embed the anti (pro) abortion movement in a web of conservative (liberal) causes. A key finding is that the white evangelical laity’s support for conservative abortion policies preceded the political mobilization of evangelical leaders into the pro-life movement. I contend the pro-life movement’s alignment with conservatism and the Republican party was less contingent on elite bargaining, and more rooted in the mass public, than existing scholarship suggests.

Organizing for Access? The Political Mobilization of Turks in Amsterdam

2009 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-275 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laure Michon ◽  
Floris Vermeulen
Keyword(s):  
Political Mobilization ◽  
The Political

scholarly journals The Political Asceticism of Mamata Banerjee: Female Populist Leadership in Contemporary India

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-36
Author(s):  
Proma Ray Chaudhury
Keyword(s):  
West Bengal ◽  
The State ◽  
The Self ◽  
The Political ◽  
Leadership Models ◽  
Interpretive Analysis ◽  
Semistructured Interviews ◽  
Political Landscapes ◽  
Religious Iconography

Abstract Operating within the androcentric premises that support idealized models of populist leadership, self-representations cultivated by female populist leaders often involve precarious balancing acts, compelling them to appropriate contextualized traditionalist discourses and modes of power to qualify for conventional leadership models. This article engages with the stylistic performance of populist leadership by Mamata Banerjee of the All India Trinamool Congress in the state of West Bengal, India, focusing on her adoption of the discursive mode of political asceticism, nativist rhetoric, and religious iconography. Through an interpretive analysis of selected party documents, autobiography, and semistructured interviews with Banerjee's followers and critics, the article delineates Banerjee's populist self-fashioning as a political ascetic and explores perceptions of her leadership. The article argues that while the self-makings of female populist leaders remain fraught and contested, they contribute substantially toward redrawing the boundaries of both conventional leadership models and the broader political landscapes they inhabit.

scholarly journals Wybrane płaszczyzny sporu o samorząd terytorialny w początkach III Rzeczpospolitej

2020 ◽  
pp. 86-103
Author(s):  
Paweł Gofron
Keyword(s):  
Third Republic ◽  
Round Table ◽  
The Self ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
The Third ◽  
Implementation Scheme

Selected grounds of strife over the self ‑government at the beginning of the Third Polish RepublicThis article presents the selected grounds of strife over the self-govern-ment in Poland during the political transformation – from the end of the Polish People’s Republic to the beginning of the Third Republic of Poland. In the introduction the importance of the self -government re-form was emphasized. In the main content the discourse over the self--government during the Round Table Talks was reconstructed in outli-ne. Moreover, the projects of the implementation scheme of the reform were discussed. The last part of the text concerns the dispute over the introduction of poviats as the second level of self -government.

scholarly journals Connaissance de soi et reconnaissance. Bases éthico-anthropologiques de la justice dans la pensée ricœurienne

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Beatriz Contreras Tasso
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
The Self ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social ◽  
Sense Of Justice ◽  
Connaissance De Soi ◽  
Interpersonal Level

This article seeks to examine the ethico-anthropological dimension at the root of the ricœurian idea of justice, which is developed quite explicitly in Oneself as Another and then picked up in his last work The Course of Recognition. Our hypothesis is that the ricœurian analysis of justice implies an essential relationship between knowledge of oneself and recognition, which is marked by an inherent tension that both links and opposes these two moments in an irreducible dialectic. However, this dialectic runs the risk of disguising a founding sense of justice in the social life of man, both on an interpersonal level and on the political level, which reinforces the institution of justice at the juridical level. So, to begin with, we will try to show how that ethical sense of the just shows itself on the basis of the anthropological analysis of the capacities of the capable man, which reinforces the original correlation between knowledge of oneself and recognition; then we will attempt to relate the fundamental contributions of the hermeneutics of the self to Ricœur’s notion of justice.

The Political Mobilization of Religious Beliefs

1992 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 110
Author(s):  
James L. Guth ◽  
Ted G. Jelen
Keyword(s):  
Religious Beliefs ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
The Political

Revolution Revisited: The Structuralist-Voluntarist Debate

1999 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-345 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mehran Kamrava
Keyword(s):  
Social Groups ◽  
Human Agency ◽  
Political Mobilization ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Category ◽  
Structural Factors ◽  
Ideal Types ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
State And Society ◽  
The Revolution

AbstractThere are three ideal types of revolutions: spontaneous, planned and negotiated. The role and importance of structural factors versus human agency vary according to the general category to which a particular revolution belongs. In spontaneous revolutions, both the transition and conslidation phases are heavily conditioned by prevailing structural factors, especially those that result in the weakening of ruling state institutions and the political mobilization of one or more social groups. By contrast, in planned revolutions self-declared revolutionaries take the lead in both mobilizing supporters and weakening the state, in fact often having a highly elaborate ideological—as well as tactical and strategic—blueprint for the acquisition and consolidation of power. Negotiated revolutions see the greatest coalescence of forces involving both structural developments and human agency. The seeds of the revolution have germinated, but the prevailing structural developments are not by themselves sufficient to bring about the revolution's success. Actors representing both state and society must step in to negotiate, and only then might the revolution succeed and be consolidated.

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