scholarly journals I NAZIONALISMI E L’UNITÀ EUROPEA

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alberto Martinelli
Keyword(s):  
European Identity ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The Social ◽  
Globalized World ◽  
Supranational Institutions ◽  
Supranational Level ◽  
The Eu

The essay starts with a critical analysis of the most relevant theories of nationalism in the social sciences and addresses questions such as the emergence of the nation and its ideology-nationalism-that is framed into the broader process of modernization; the intersections between the concepts of nationalism, nation and state; the ambivalent relation between nationalism and democracy; the dual historical root of European nationalism and its transformations in to-day globalized world. Then the focus of the analysis is shifted on the present state of the European Union, and more specifically on the two basic contradictions of European political integration: first, the building of a supranational, multicultural union that makes use of nation states as its bulding blocs, but pretends to get free from the connected nationalisms; second, the transfer by member states to the supranational level of growing portions of their national sovereignty without an equivalent transfer of loyalty and committment by their citizens to the supranational institutions. Finally, the author argues for an effective strategy to build a real supranational union-that is seen as the best way to face the challenges of the contemporay world- through bold reforms of the EU political architecture and the strenghtening of a European identity, a strategy that can also block the resurgence of aggressive nationalism in several EU member states.

scholarly journals The ratio of national and supranational levels of foreign policy formation of the European Union

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (10) ◽  
pp. 58-67
Author(s):  
Melissa Erhiun
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Formation ◽  
Individual Member ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Policy ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Advantages And Disadvantages ◽  
Supranational Level ◽  
The Eu

The relevance of the topic has been summed up by the migratory crisis, the emergence of recent conflicts and the occasional instability near the cordons of the EU, as a result, he is forced to strengthen supranational governance in various fields. One of such areas is foreign policy, which in the context of changing the nature of security interactions plays an important role in the process of European integration. The object of the study is the EU as an international actor in the process of its formation and development. The subject is the foreign policy dimension of the EU's functioning, its conceptual, institutional and instrumental aspects.The aim of the article was to consider a number of approaches with different emphases in the interpretation of the European Union's foreign policy, definitions of "sovereignty" and "supranationality", the difference between normative and implementing supranationalism, the historical attitude of member states to the full preservation or delegation of sovereignty. in the formation of EU policy, the creation of new authorities and positions in the process of EU formation in the context and the factors influencing member states on the formation of common EU policy and determine the attitude of member states to the supranational level of governance, advantages and disadvantages for them.Conclusions. Member states are ambivalent about deeper integration in foreign policy. On the one hand, foreign policy cooperation can serve as a tool that allows Member States to pursue their national interests more effectively. However, in the absence of leadership in the EU, the supranational level can become an instrument of regulatory justification for projecting the priorities of individual member states on other members of the union. At the same time, the possibilities of its use remain limited due to serious differences in the strategic culture of the EU member states.

scholarly journals The EU Charter of Rights and Brexit Effect on the Implementation of Economic and Social Rights among EU Member States

Laws ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Nirmala Pillay
Keyword(s):  
Social Consequences ◽  
Regulatory Regime ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Economic Rights ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Social ◽  
Civil And Political Rights ◽  
The Eu

This article examines the extent to which the inclusion of the European Union (EU) Charter of Rights and Fundamental Freedoms in the Treaty of Lisbon which gives legal force to socio-economic rights as well as civil and political rights,conomic will succeed in helping EU member states meet international treaty obligations to implement socio-economic rights. Will the EU’s renewed commitment to developing the social sphere, post-Brexit, be more successful and will British citizens lose out on socio-economic rights in the long term if the EU succeeds in creating a better social or public dimension? Member states of the EU that have ratified the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) have obligations to progressively realise economic, social and cultural (ESC) rights. Progress on this has been slow and potentially made more difficult by the economic direction adopted by the EU since the 1980s. Although the EU, from the beginning, saw itself as a “social market” it struggled to embed the “social” to the same extent that it embedded the “market”. Critics argue that the economic policies of the EU and key judgements of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) successfully dis-embedded the market from its social context. Additionally, the regulatory regime of the EU developed in a direction that limited the capacity of nation states to ameliorate the consequences of market-led policies for the least advantaged. However, the Charter of Rights, which places socio-economic rights on an equal footing with civil and political rights, is a novel and bold initiative. It has stimulated debate on whether the Charter could rebalance the EU’s economic agenda by paying attention to the social consequences of predominantly market-led policies. This paper examines the potential impact of the EU Charter, in the context of member states international human rights obligations, to create an environment where member states of the EU have fewer obstacles to the “progressive realization” of ESC rights.

scholarly journals Migration Processes and Identity of the EU

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-47
Author(s):  
R. Alonzi
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Shared Vision ◽  
The Political ◽  
European Identity ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Eu

The article delves into the influence of the migration phenomenon on the complex process of the European political Identity-building process. The main research question is: why do migration processes erode the identity of the European Union? Or: what type of European identity is the result of these migratory processes?Firstly, the author defines the difference between European identity and identity of European Union. The character of the latter, being the result of a negotiation process between its members on the shared values to be adopted and the meanings that the Union must assume for its citizens, can be only political. The approaches suggested, sometimes even indirectly, by studies conducted on the matter allow us to deduce that the dynamics of migration processes negatively affect the creation of the political identity of the European Union. Instead, they reinforce its apolitical character. On the one hand, there is not a shared vision between the EU Member States of rules and frameworks to manage migration phenomenon. While there is no agreement between the EU Member States on how to manage migration, the integration policies adopted by the various States are being transformed into policies of disintegration of national identities, without any advantage for the evolution of supranationality. Multiculturalism and pluralism, cosmopolitan citizenship, are variables that run counter to the basic principles of the legitimacy of European power, namely European citizenship, European cultural universalism, the idea of the collective and the particular identity of Europeans.The author concludes that it is, therefore, “metapolitical” values, rather than the structure of the Union itself, that undermines the foundations of European political identity. It is in this context that the disidentitary potential of migratory phenomena finds the conditions for its full accomplishment. It is no coincidence that the metapolitical value that current liberal thought cannot do without is “politically correct”. The “political correctness” is a privileged dimension, which helps European elites interpret the problem of migration in a political sense, and this is reflected in the monolithic nature of the applied narrative, with which they interpret the phenomenon of migration.

Political aspects of security of the European Union Member States

2020 ◽  
pp. 97-105
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Kusztykiewicz-Fedurek
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Political Security ◽  
New Institutions ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Key Aspects ◽  
The Eu

Political security is very often considered through the prism of individual states. In the scholar literature in-depth analyses of this kind of security are rarely encountered in the context of international entities that these countries integrate. The purpose of this article is to draw attention to key aspects of political security in the European Union (EU) Member States. The EU as a supranational organisation, gathering Member States first, ensures the stability of the EU as a whole, and secondly, it ensures that Member States respect common values and principles. Additionally, the EU institutions focus on ensuring the proper functioning of the Eurozone (also called officially “euro area” in EU regulations). Actions that may have a negative impact on the level of the EU’s political security include the boycott of establishing new institutions conducive to the peaceful coexistence and development of states. These threats seem to have a significant impact on the situation in the EU in the face of the proposed (and not accepted by Member States not belonging to the Eurogroup) Eurozone reforms concerning, inter alia, appointment of the Minister of Economy and Finance and the creation of a new institution - the European Monetary Fund.

The European Union and Diplomatic Law

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham Butler
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
External Action ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Second World War ◽  
First Century ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Supranational Institutions ◽  
Second World ◽  
The Eu

Not long after the establishment of supranational institutions in the aftermath of the Second World War, the early incarnations of the European Union (EU) began conducting diplomacy. Today, EU Delegations (EUDs) exist throughout the world, operating similar to full-scale diplomatic missions. The Treaty of Lisbon established the legal underpinnings for the European External Action Service (EEAS) as the diplomatic arm of the EU. Yet within the international legal framework, EUDs remain second-class to the missions of nation States. The EU thus has to use alternative legal means to form diplomatic missions. This chapter explores the legal framework of EU diplomatic relations, but also asks whether traditional missions to which the VCDR regime applies, can still be said to serve the needs of diplomacy in the twenty-first century, when States are no longer the ultimate holders of sovereignty, or the only actors in international relations.

Social Investment as a Policy Platform

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Vandenbroucke
Keyword(s):  
Social World ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Social Investment ◽  
Education Spending ◽  
Overlapping Consensus ◽  
Member States ◽  
Policy Perspective ◽  
The Social ◽  
Broad Consensus ◽  
The Eu

This contribution argues for a truly reciprocal social investment pact for Europe: member states should be committed to policies that respond to the need for social investment; simultaneously, member states’ efforts in this direction—notably efforts by those in a difficult budgetary context—should be supported in a tangible way. Social investment is a policy perspective that should be based on a broad consensus between people who may entertain certain disagreements regarding the level of their empirical and/or normative understanding of the social world. For that reason, the expression of an ‘overlapping consensus’ is used for delineating social investment advocacy. Data on education spending show that we are far removed from a social investment perspective at the European Union (EU) level. This underscores the fact that social investment advocates need to clearly consider the role the EU has to play in social investment progress.

scholarly journals Inequalities in the European Union—A Partial Order Analysis of the Main Indicators

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 6278
Author(s):  
Lars Carlsen ◽  
Rainer Bruggemann
Keyword(s):  
Indicator System ◽  
Partial Ordering ◽  
Disposable Income ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
Educational Aspect ◽  
The Eu

The inequality within the 27 European member states has been studied. Six indicators proclaimed by Eurostat to be the main indicators charactere the countries: (i) the relative median at-risk-of-poverty gap, (ii) the income distribution, (iii) the income share of the bottom 40% of the population, (iv) the purchasing power adjusted GDP per capita, (v) the adjusted gross disposable income of households per capita and (vi) the asylum applications by state of procedure. The resulting multi-indicator system was analyzed applying partial ordering methodology, i.e., including all indicators simultaneously without any pretreatment. The degree of inequality was studied for the years 2010, 2015 and 2019. The EU member states were partially ordered and ranked. For all three years Luxembourg, The Netherlands, Austria, and Finland are found to be highly ranked, i.e., having rather low inequality. Bulgaria and Romania are, on the other hand, for all three years ranked low, with the highest degree of inequality. Excluding the asylum indicator, the risk-poverty-gap and the adjusted gross disposable income were found as the most important indicators. If, however, the asylum application is included, this indicator turns out as the most important for the mutual ranking of the countries. A set of additional indicators was studied disclosing the educational aspect as of major importance to achieve equality. Special partial ordering tools were applied to study the role of the single indicators, e.g., in relation to elucidate the incomparability of some countries to all other countries within the union.

scholarly journals Evaluation of Sustainable Energy Development Progress in EU Member States in the Context of Building Renovation

Energies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (14) ◽  
pp. 4209
Author(s):  
Rita Remeikienė ◽  
Ligita Gasparėnienė ◽  
Aleksandra Fedajev ◽  
Marek Szarucki ◽  
Marija Đekić ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Energy Efficiency ◽  
Energy Consumption ◽  
Co2 Emissions ◽  
Renewable Energy Sources ◽  
Investment Efficiency ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Energy Usage ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Eu

The main goal of setting energy efficiency priorities is to find ways to reduce energy consumption without harming consumers and the environment. The renovation of buildings can be considered one of the main aspects of energy efficiency in the European Union (EU). In the EU, only 5% of the renovation projects have been able to yield energy-saving at the deep renovation level. No other study has thus far ranked the EU member states according to achieved results in terms of increased usage in renewable sources, a decrease in energy usage and import, and reduction in harmful gas emissions due to energy usage. The main purpose of this article is to perform a comparative analysis of EU economies according to selected indicators related to the usage of renewable resources, energy efficiency, and emissions of harmful gasses as a result of energy usage. The methodological contribution of our study is related to developing a complex and robust research method for investment efficiency assessment allowing the study of three groups of indicators related to the usage of renewable energy sources, energy efficiency, and ecological aspects of energy. It was based on the PROMETHEE II method and allows testing it in other time periods, as well as modifying it for research purposes. The EU member states were categorized by such criteria as energy from renewables and biofuels, final energy consumption from renewables and biofuels, gross electricity generation from renewables and biofuels and import dependency, and usage of renewables and biofuels for heating and cooling. The results of energy per unit of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), Greenhouse gasses (GHG) emissions per million inhabitants (ECO2), energy per capita, the share of CO2 emissions from public electricity, and heat production from total CO2 emissions revealed that Latvia, Sweden, Portugal, Croatia, Austria, Lithuania, Romania, Denmark, and Finland are the nine most advanced countries in the area under consideration. In the group of the most advanced countries, energy consumption from renewables and biofuels is higher than the EU average.

scholarly journals Crisis and Intergovernmental Retrenchment in the European Union? Framing the EU’s Answer to the COVID-19 Pandemic

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugenio Salvati
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Institutional Capacity ◽  
Social Effects ◽  
Political Integration ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Core State ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Supranational Institutions ◽  
The Eu

AbstractThe outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic has placed severe pressure on the EU’s capacity to provide a timely and coordinated response capable of curbing the pandemic’s disastrous economic and social effects on EU member states. In this situation, the supranational institutions and their models of action are evidently under pressure, seeming incapable of leading the EU out of the stormy waters of the present crisis. The article frames the first months of management of the COVID-19 crisis at EU level as characterised by the limited increase in the level of steering capacity by supranational institutions, due to the reaffirmed centrality of the intergovernmental option. To explain this situation, the article considers the absence of the institutional capacity/legitimacy to extract resources from society(ies), and the subsequent impossibility of guaranteeing an effective and autonomous process of political (re)distribution, the key factors accounting for the weakness of vertical political integration in the response to the COVID-19 challenge. This explains why during the COVID-19 crisis as well, the pattern followed by the EU is rather similar to past patterns, thus confirming that this has fed retrenchment aimed at the enforcement of the intergovernmental model and the defence of the most sensitive core state powers against inference from supranational EU institutions.

scholarly journals Review of the Construction Labour Demand and Shortages in the EU

Buildings ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Belinda Brucker Juricic ◽  
Mario Galic ◽  
Sasa Marenjak
Keyword(s):  
Free Movement ◽  
Construction Sector ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Total Employment ◽  
Member States ◽  
Skill Levels ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Free Movement Of Workers ◽  
European Union Member States ◽  
The Eu

This paper reviews the recent literature on skill and labour shortages in the labour market with special emphasis on the construction sector in the European Union Member States, foreseeing the Construction 4.0 era. The free movement of people is one of the rights of all citizens of the EU which also includes the free movement of workers. Labour shortages in the EU are expected to increase in the future due to a declining population and an ageing workforce. In order to recognize and forecast labour shortages, EU Member states use a variety of instruments but they do not answer as to whether it is possible to use migrant labour to appease those shortages. There are several systems used to classify labour shortages in the EU Member states. Most of the countries classify labour shortages in relation to different sectors or occupation groups as well as by skill levels, but in some Member States, classification is made according to the type of employment. Instruments used to measure labour shortages significantly differ from country to country. Several criteria are used for creating lists of shortage occupations and most of the criteria include demand side and supply side criteria. A majority of the Member States are facing labour and skill shortages in various sectors and the construction sector is not an exception. As total employment in the construction sector decreased, so did the share of employed migrants. Labour shortages in the construction sector can be eased by the availability of a labour supply willing to accept unqualified and low-paying jobs. The construction sector seeks low-, medium-, and high-skilled individuals and is most likely the sector where most of the incoming migrants will be working, which has an impact on the development and implementation dynamic of Construction 4.0.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document