Walter Lippmann et John Dewey

Commentaire ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol Numéro 174 (2) ◽  
pp. 359-368
Author(s):  
Barbara Stiegler
Keyword(s):  
2019 ◽  
pp. 80-124
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Friedman

During the 1920s, Walter Lippmann expressed his growing doubts about the epistemic capacities of the journalistically informed mass public, and John Dewey published three responses to these doubts—none of which grappled with the interpretive problems that Lippmann saw as the barrier to an adequate understanding of modern society. Rather than lamenting the mass public’s lack of knowledge, as Dewey did, Lippmann was mainly worried about the inevitably biased stereotypes by means of which journalists and their readers winnow down overabundant knowledge into coherent interpretations. Dewey’s hopes for a new form of journalism, his faith in ordinary people’s knowledge of the problems afflicting them, and his ideas for a new social science failed to confront this problem of interpretation. However, Lippmann’s own solution, early in the debate, was an epistocracy of statisticians, which also failed to confront the interpretive problem he had identified. The debate ended, then, with neither engagement nor resolution.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (02) ◽  
pp. 561-592 ◽  
Author(s):  
TOM ARNOLD-FORSTER

Historians often interpret American political thought in the early twentieth century through an opposition between the technocratic power of expertise and the deliberative promise of democracy, respectively represented by Walter Lippmann and John Dewey. This article explores Lippmann's concurrent controversy with Lewis Terman about intelligence testing, in which Dewey also intervened. It argues that the Lippmann–Terman controversy dramatized and developed a range of ideas about the politics of expertise in a democracy, which centered on explaining how democratic citizens might engage with and control the authority of experts. It concludes by examining the controversy's influence on democratic theory.


2009 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 187-207
Author(s):  
Norbert Grube

This article tackles the historical context, the genesis and the German reception of two different concepts of elitist governmental people’s instruction and public education drafted by two main intellectuals in the era of American progressivism – Walter Lippmann (1889–1974), journalist and former spin doctor of US-President Wilson (1856–1924), and the pragmatist philosopher John Dewey (1859–1952). The examination of Lippmann’s books Public Opinion (1922) and The Phantom Public (1925) and Dewey’s studies The Public and its Problems (1927) and Freedom and Culture (1939) reveals that both concepts are based on different notions of democracy, but on similar perceptions of modernity. Accelerated sequences of economic boom and depression, technological innovation, rapid social change and the seduction of mass media were seen as threats of public participation and of nationwide mobilization. These pessimistic notions of modernity as well as their implicit interactive perceptions of European socialism, nationalism and fascism facilitated the reception of Dewey and Lippmann in Germany. In doing so, German communication scientists, intellectuals, and pedagogues transformed terms like political leadership, community, action and creativity into the German context of nationalism and holistic community. But is this adoption a misreading or is this interpretation injected in the concept of both, Dewey and Lippmann? The comparison and reconstruction of these two concepts will show that their reception in Germany after 1945 was an amalgamation by intermingling different aspects of both models instead of a clear takeover of one model.


2016 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominique Trudel

This article aims to reconsider some recent interpretations of the debate on the role of public opinion in democracies that opposed John Dewey and Walter Lippmann throughout the 1920s. To this end, this article examines Dewey and Lippmann’s involvement in the “outlawry of war” debate during the same era. The analysis of this other debate sheds a new light on the political, philosophical, and epistemological differences that are described by James Carey, although minimized by a growing body of revisionist historiography.Cet article propose de revisiter certaines contributions historiographiques récentes portant sur le débat quant au rôle du public en démocratie qui opposa John Dewey à Walter Lippmann durant les années 1920. Pour ce faire, cet article examine un autre débat, celui-là portant sur le mouvement pour la proscription de la guerre (« the outlawry of war »), qui opposa Dewey à Lippmann durant la même période. L’analyse de ce débat permet d’éclairer certaines des divergences politiques, philosophiques et épistémologiques qui sont décrites par James Carey bien que minimisées par un récent courant historiographique révisionniste.


2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 491-529 ◽  
Author(s):  
John F. Brennan ◽  
Lawrence F. Keller

We argue that philosophical pragmatism explicitly influenced the founding of American public administration. We analyze the case of The New Republic magazine to support our contention. The New Republic was founded in 1914 and edited by two pragmatists—Herbert Croly and Walter Lippmann—and put forth a pragmatic editorial stance that supported administrative innovations in American government that characterized the era. We illustrate the magazine’s pragmatic orientation toward public administration by analyzing the editorials of Croly and Lippmann and the writings of John Dewey, Frederick Cleveland, and Charles Beard—all written during the magazine’s first decade of publication.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcus Vinicius Cunha ◽  
Horacio Héctor Mercau

Este artigo aborda as relações entre educação, democracia e coesão social, tomando por base as ideias do filósofo e educador estadunidense John Dewey. Esse tema assume especial relevância na atualidade, quando a ideia de democracia enfrenta graves desafios. O artigo discorre primeiramente sobre as propostas apresentadas por Dewey no livro Democracia e educação, publicado em 1916, sua mais importante obra educacional. O propósito dessa análise é mostrar que as teses do autor sobre educação são estreitamente vinculadas às suas teses políticas. Em seguida, são examinadas as reflexões feitas por Dewey no livro The public and its problems, publicado em 1927, desenvolvidas em confronto com as ideias do jornalista Walter Lippmann. Enquanto Lippmann defende que a democracia requer a formação de um corpo de especialistas para comandar a vida social, Dewey enfatiza a necessidade de valorizar o público, isto é, os diversos agrupamentos que compõem a sociedade e que são atingidos pela ação do estado.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 343-354
Author(s):  
Rodolfo Gutiérrez Simón

El presente artículo analiza cómo una serie de autores autodenominados liberales perciben y critican la homogeneización social artificialmente producida. Para ello, se toma como referencia la obra Un mundo feliz, de Aldous Huxley, donde dicho procedimiento se vincula claramente con una sociedad totalitaria. A partir de ahí, se estudian las críticas que realizan a la homogeneización el propio Huxley, Walter Lippmann y Ortega y Gasset, recurriendo también a conceptos de William James. Se muestra la vinculación existente entre la homogeneización social y los movimientos totalitarios de comienzos del siglo XX, y se concluye con una propuesta inspirada por el pensamiento de John Dewey.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document