LANGUAGE, CULTURE, AND POWER IN GUILLEM DE TORROELLA’S LA FAULA

2021 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
JILL ROSS
Keyword(s):  
Fourteenth Century ◽  
Thirteenth Century ◽  
French Language ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Appropriation ◽  
Cultural Hegemony ◽  
Language And Culture ◽  
The Third ◽  
Cultural Power

This article examines the role of French language and culture in the fourteenth-century Arthurian text, La Faula, by the Mallorcan, Guillem de Torroella. Reading the appropriation of French language and literary models through the lens of earlier thirteenth-century Occitan resistance to French political and cultural hegemony, La Faula’s use of French dialogue becomes significant in light of the political tensions in the third quarter of the fourteenth century that saw the conquest of the Kingdom of Mallorca by that of Catalonia-Aragon and the subsequent imposition of Catalano-Aragonese political and cultural power. La Faula’s clear intertextual debt to French literary models and its simultaneous ambivalence about the authority and reliability of those models makes French language into a space for the exploration of the dynamics of cultural appropriation and political accommodation that were constitutive of late fourteenth-century Mallorca.

scholarly journals Plague and the Fall of Baghdad (1258)

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-177
Author(s):  
Nahyan Fancy ◽  
Monica H. Green
Keyword(s):  
Fourteenth Century ◽  
Thirteenth Century ◽  
Disease Outbreaks ◽  
Epidemic Disease ◽  
Late Medieval ◽  
Western Asia ◽  
Abbasid Caliphate ◽  
Historical Accounts ◽  
A Minor

AbstractThe recent suggestion that the late medieval Eurasian plague pandemic, the Black Death, had its origins in the thirteenth century rather than the fourteenth century has brought new scrutiny to texts reporting ‘epidemics’ in the earlier period. Evidence both from Song China and Iran suggests that plague was involved in major sieges laid by the Mongols between the 1210s and the 1250s, including the siege of Baghdad in 1258 which resulted in the fall of the Abbasid caliphate. In fact, re-examination of multiple historical accounts in the two centuries after the siege of Baghdad shows that the role of epidemic disease in the Mongol attacks was commonly known among chroniclers in Syria and Egypt, raising the question why these outbreaks have been overlooked in modern historiography of plague. The present study looks in detail at the evidence in Arabic sources for disease outbreaks after the siege of Baghdad in Iraq and its surrounding regions. We find subtle factors in the documentary record to explain why, even though plague received new scrutiny from physicians in the period, it remained a minor feature in stories about the Mongol invasion of western Asia. In contemporary understandings of the genesis of epidemics, the Mongols were not seen to have brought plague to Baghdad; they caused plague to arise by their rampant destruction. When an even bigger wave of plague struck the Islamic world in the fourteenth century, no association was made with the thirteenth-century episode. Rather, plague was now associated with the Mongol world as a whole.

scholarly journals The Universal Factory

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 18-31
Author(s):  
Kevin Rogan
Keyword(s):  
Urban Design ◽  
Smart Cities ◽  
Data Networks ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Critical Data ◽  
The Third ◽  
Material Reality ◽  
Vast Network

Critical data studies have made great strides in bringing together data analysts and urban design, providing an extensible concept which is useful in visualizing the role of local and planetary data networks. But in the light of the experience of Sidewalk Labs, critical data studies need a further push. As smart cities, algorithmic urbanisms, and sensorial regimes inch closer and closer to reality, critical data studies remain woefully blind to economic and political issues. Data remains undertheorized for its economic content as a commodity, and the political ramifications of the data assemblages remain locked in a proto-political schema of good and bad uses of this vast network of data collection, analysis, research, and organization. This paper attempts to subject critical data studies to a rigorous critique by deepening its relationship to the history thus far of Sidewalk Labs’ project in Quayside, Toronto. It is broken into sections. The first section discusses the material reality of Kitchin and Lauriault’s (2014) data assemblages and data landscapes. The second section investigates data itself and what its ‘inherent’ value means in an economic sense. The third section looks at the way the understanding of data promoted by the data assemblage effects smart city design. The fourth section examines the role of the designer in shepherding this vision, and moreover the data assemblage, into existence.

Papal Politics and Communal Contestation

2019 ◽  
pp. 169-195
Author(s):  
Janine Larmon Peterson
Keyword(s):  
Fourteenth Century ◽  
Thirteenth Century ◽  
Driving Force ◽  
Central Italy ◽  
Political Orientation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Authority ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Regional Interests

This chapter explores antipapal views that increased in the wake of popes' decisions to use the charge of heresy to achieve temporal as well as spiritual control over communities in northern and central Italy. This region was the geographic arena for the political struggle that occurred between popes and Holy Roman Emperors, which divided Italian communities into rival factions. It was also the locus of papal efforts to assert religious authority over independent-minded towns that were responding to papal bureaucratization and consolidation of power. Within this context, the accusation of heterodoxy became one means by which the papacy punished those who refused to support papal aims. “Heresy” no longer reflected doctrinal error alone by the late thirteenth century. It had become a characteristic of political orientation, an expression of disaffection with the papacy, and an avowal of regional interests that superseded loyalty to Rome. The chapter then traces the steps that led late thirteenth- and early fourteenth-century Italian communities to have political and spiritual antipathy toward the popes and their agents, which became a driving force for these communities to actively contest popes through championing suspect saints, heretical saints, and holy heretics.

Honouring the Prophet's Family: A Comparison of the Approaches to Political Legitimacy of Abū’lḤasan ʿAlī al-Marīnī and Aḥmad al-Manṣūr al-Saʿdī

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Cory
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Fourteenth Century ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Relative Power ◽  
Political Propaganda ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
Political Legitimation

Although the fourteenth century Marīnids openly acknowledged their Berber identity, by the end of the sixteenth century, sharīfian descent had become a requirement for Moroccan rule. This chapter examines the political propaganda of the Marīnid sultan Abū’l-Ḥasan ʿAlī (r. 731–752/1331–1351) and the Saʿdī sultan Aḥmad al-Manṣūr al-Dhahabī (r. 986–1012/1578–1603). It considers similarities and differences between their political propaganda in light of their differing historical circumstances, particularly the relative power of sharīfian movements during their respective reigns, as well as the importance of holy lineages, monarchical treatment of the shurafāʾ, and the role of ceremonies in political legitimation. It argues that the Saʿdī ability to convince Moroccans of their sharīfian lineage connected with a larger trend to equate political power with descent from the Prophet and reinforced their authority. In contrast, the Marīnids contributed to their own downfall through their inconsistent policies towards honouring the shurafāʾ.

Ideological Change and an Emerging Counter-Culture in Tunisian Politics

1974 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 543-568 ◽  
Author(s):  
John P. Entelis
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
Third World ◽  
Critical Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Third ◽  
Counter Culture ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Ideological Change

Tunisia A has long been regarded as a model of political development and stability in the Third World. There is no doubt that the charismatic Habib Bourguiba, the aging (71) yet indefatigable leader of an effective nation-wide party apparatus, has helped ensure Tunisia's development from the period of the pre-independence struggle until today. It is not unnatural, therefore, given the critical role of Bourguiba in the operation of the political system, to question the degree of institutionalisation, stability, modernity, and democracy that Tunisia could retain after the passing of its dynamic leader.

The National Consultative Council of Jordan: A Study in Legislative Development

1981 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 427-439 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nabeel A. Khoury
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Third World ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Developing Nations ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Controversy ◽  
The Third World

Studies of legislatures in developing countries have to contend with a great deal of cynicism owing, in part, to a political controversy concerning the role of the legislative institution in the Third World. The executive branch, which is generally dominant in developing nations, often uses the legislature to legitimize executive actions. Legislators who agree to serve the executive in this fashion often exaggerate or misrepresent the importance of the legislature in their political system. Conversely, opposition groups, who are frequently excluded from the political process in Third World countries, denigrate the role of legislatures and often exaggerate their ineffectiveness. Scholars have mostly ingnored the role of legislatures in the process of development.

Sir Simonds D'Ewes and the levying of ship money, 1635–1640

1994 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. P. Salt
Keyword(s):  
Political Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Relationship

ABSTRACTThis paper investigates the relationship between constitutional ideas and political action during the 1630s by comparing the privately expressed ideas of Sir Simonds D'Ewes regarding ship money with his conduct regarding the levy, especially while he was sheriff of Suffolk in 1639–40. The first section investigates the constitutionalist views expressed in D'Ewes's ‘autobiography’, unpublished during his lifetime, and their relationship to D'Ewes's attitude to the political role of the levy. The second section studies D'Ewes's conduct as sheriff, in which he gave almost no expression to constitutionalist ideas, and suggests that he struck a middle course between neglect and zeal, while finding means to oppose the levy through his connections at court. The third section seeks to establish the reasons for the inconsistencies between D'Ewes's privately expressed ideas and his public conduct, which may have lain in a belief that, in the prevailing political situation, criticism of the levy had, in order to be effective, to be expressed in terms acceptable to potentially sympathetic courtiers; D'Ewes adapted the tone of his comments on ship money to his audience in order to achieve political ends, but had also to act in ways which would make that tone convincing. Participation in the collection of ship money was therefore not inconsistent with opposition to it.

scholarly journals British occupation of Iraq study in its political development (1917- 1927)

2018 ◽  
Vol 222 (1) ◽  
pp. 253-268
Author(s):  
Dr. Mohamed Abdullah Kaka Sur
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Political Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
The Third ◽  
British Occupation ◽  
Historical Factors ◽  
Historical Importance ◽  
History Of

Occupation of Britain has had a significant impact on the history of Iraq. Even after the establishment of the Iraqi state in 1921 and the effects of this occupation existed. On this basis, one of the historians used the term Iraq - British royal rule in the period. So, important to know what are the historical factors which led to Britain occupy Iraq, beyond the historical trend of the state and the fundamental changes which led to the establishment of the Iraqi state. In this study, entitled (the historical reasons for the occupation of Iraq, Britain to study the political development between the years 1917 to 1920). Which ensures the number of vertical axes, the first axis looking for strategic importance of Iraq and the situation in Iraq under the leadership of the Ottoman Empire. The second axis tells Britain's occupation of Iraq, the third axis either looking for agreements made between Iraq and Britain the first, second and third.The fourth axis looking for challenging the Iraqis against the British occupation and private revolted in 1920, including the role of the Kurds in this revolution. In fact, with the reasons for strategic and economic, historical factors have had an important role in the occupation of Iraq with the causes and factors which mentioned were overlapping, Baghdad was the capital of Iraq through the stories of One Thousand and One Nights was written in the West and known Babylon was one of the oldest cities, which have been mentioned in Holy book by the West, so intertwined historical importance Wares in the cause of Britain's occupation of Iraq

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