Ukrainian Fashion Houses as Centers of Soviet Fashion Representation

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 495-528
Author(s):  
Olha Korniienko

The study examines Soviet fashion houses as fashion corporations with an extensive structure and a certain autonomy which served as centers for the development and representation of Soviet fashion. These state institutions were created in the capitals and large cities of the Soviet republics. The Moscow All-Union Fashion House acted as a methodological center for fashion houses of all Soviet republics. The Ukrainian SSR was one of the important centers of fashion development in the Soviet Union, and it included six general orientation and five specialized fashion houses, as well as the Ukrainian Institute of Assortment of Light Industry Products and Clothing Culture. Based on a wide range of archival sources and interviews with fashion house workers, the article reveals the structure and operation of Ukrainian fashion houses in the period between 1940 and 1991 and also examine their cooperative endeavors with garment enterprises and research institutions. The technology of clothing production by designers, the processes of approval to which these technologies were subjected by art councils, and the organization of exhibitions in the USSR and abroad are also considered.

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 33-62
Author(s):  
Wiktoria Kudela-Świątek

The article discusses a wide range of aspects concerning the Holomodor – the Great Famine in the Soviet Union in the years 1932–1933. The author focuses on examining the processes of creating a collective image of the Great Famine and the role of individual memory of its survivors in building this image. Analyzing the memories of the survivors the author deals with distortions and myths which has grown up around the Holomodor. The significance of this disaster for the Ukrainian identity is also the subject of the analysis.


Author(s):  
Gerard Toal

On April 25, 2005, President Vladimir Putin addressed the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation. In his lengthy speech Putin laid out a series of priorities for the Russian state in the coming decade. These priorities were not new—he had spoken about them in a similar address the year before—and their central aim was well known, “to build,” as he put it in his address, “an effective state system within the current national borders.” However, it was not Putin’s discussion of democracy and corruption in state institutions that generated headlines in the Western media. Instead it was Putin’s prologue for his reform agenda: . . . Above all, we should acknowledge that the collapse of the Soviet Union was a major geopolitical disaster of the century. As for the Russian nation, it became a genuine drama. Tens of millions of our co-citizens and compatriots found themselves outside Russian territory. Moreover, the epidemic of disintegration infected Russia itself. Individual savings were depreciated, and old ideals destroyed. Many institutions were disbanded or reformed carelessly. Terrorist intervention and the Khasavyurt capitulation [the agreement that ended the first Chechen war] that followed damaged the country’s integrity. Oligarchic groups—possessing absolute control over information channels— served exclusively their own corporate interests. Mass poverty began to be seen as the norm. And all this was happening against the backdrop of a dramatic economic downturn, unstable finances, and the paralysis of the social sphere. Many thought or seemed to think at the time that our young democracy was not a continuation of Russian statehood, but its ultimate collapse, the prolonged agony of the Soviet system. But they were mistaken. . . . Putin’s rhetorical device was a conventional decline-and-renewal trope, describing the era of national decline and humiliation that set the stage for his heroic mission of restoring Russia’s strength and capacity. However, Associated Press and BBC news service reports on the speech focused only on one phrase, to which they gave a different translation from that released by the Kremlin (cited above).


1968 ◽  
Vol 5 (5) ◽  
pp. 197-201
Author(s):  
N. G. Andreev ◽  
E. E. Ljubimova

Grasslands in the Soviet Union amount to about 370 million hectares, of which some 70 million are devoted to hay, the remaining 300 million being grazed. That the wide range of climate and soil types should be reflected in the variety of grassland problems is inevitable. The present article reviews the contributions of the Timiryazev Agricultural Academy and discusses many of the problems related to the use of fertilizers on grassland in the Soviet Union.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1119-1130
Author(s):  
Ivan A. Ladynin ◽  

The article presents a publication of the letter from Vasily Vasilievich Struve (1889–1965), pioneer in the research of the Ancient Near East societies in the Soviet Union, to Mikhail Ivanovich Rostovtzev (1870–1952), the prominent Classicist, one of the first scholars in socio-economic history of the Antiquity in pre-revolutionary Russia. The letter was written during Struve’s post-graduate sabbatical in Berlin in 1914; it is stored in the Russian State Historical Archives in St. Petersburg. The document is significant due to its information on Struve’s stay in Berlin and on his contacts with leading German scholars (including Eduard Meyer and Adolf Erman), but it also touches upon a bigger issue. In the early 1930s Struve forwarded his concept of slave-owning mode of production in the Ancient Near East, which was immediately accepted into official historiography, making him a leading theoretician in the Soviet research of ancient history. It has been repeatedly stated in memoirs and in post-Soviet historiography that this concept and, generally speaking, Struve’s interest in socio-economic issues was opportunistic. His 1910s articles on the Ptolemaic society and state published prior to the Russian revolution weigh heavily against this point of view. The published letter contains Struve’s assessment of his future thesis (state institutions of the New Kingdom of Egypt) and puts its topic in the context of current discussions on the Ptolemaic state and society and of his studies in the Rostovtzev’s seminar at the St. Petersburg University. Struve declares the study of Egyptian social structure and connections between its pre-Hellenistic and Hellenistic phases his life-task, introduced to him by Rostovtzev. Thus, Struve’s early interest in these issues appears to be sincere; it stems from pre-revolutionary trends in the Russian scholarship.


1962 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
JR McWilliam ◽  
CA Neal-Smith

Chromosome counts of a wide range of Phalaris arundinacea introductions have revealed the existence of two chromosome races, one tetraploid (2n = 28) and the other hexaploid (2n = 42). The majority of the introductions, including those from the Soviet Union, northern and central Europe, and North America, belong to the tetraploid race, whereas those from Portugal, Spain, Oregon, U.S.A., and two Botanic Garden collections in central Europe belong to the hexaploid race. Both races have regular meiosis and a stable chromosome number, and are fully fertile. The hexaploid hybridizes freely with the tetraploid Ph. Arundinacea and also with Ph. Tuberosa, but is effectively isolated from both owing to the sterility of the hybrids. The hexaploid differs from the tetraploid in a number of characteristics, and in particular in its growth rhythm. Under Australian conditions it has a longer growing season, and is more productive in the autumn and winter. In this and in other respects the hexaploid is intermediate between the tetraploid form of Ph. Arundinacea and Ph. Tuberosa, and is considered to have arisen through hybridization and subsequent introgression between these two species along the junction of their respective distributions in southern Europe.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir I. Vinokurov

The article is devoted to the activities of one of the most famous public organizations in Russia-the All — Russian Movement for the Support of Flot (DPF), which celebrated its 30th anniversary on September 10, 2021. Created in the difficult conditions of the beginning of the actual collapse of the Soviet Union, the Movement immediately declared its patriotic goals, the main one of which was the systematic preparation and worthy meeting of the upcoming 300th anniversary of the Russian Fleet. The ideas and plans of the DPF leadership have found wide support among military sailors and representatives of the civil fleet. Today, the Fleet Support Movement unites in its ranks more than 50 thousand individual and collective members-veterans and active military sailors, representatives of the Marine Transport and River Fleet, Shipbuilding and ship repair industry, Fishing Fleet, marine science, People's fleet-yachting, etc. All of them are part of 63 regional branches and representative offices operating in many regions and large cities of our country. Thus, it has become a powerful public organization that can solve any task in its field, starting from the development of the Russian Maritime Strategy and ending with taking care of the daily life of members of the maritime community. The organization also actively participates in international activities, which makes it a strong representative of Russian public (people's) diplomacy abroad.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (20) ◽  
pp. 45-78
Author(s):  
Elke Weesjes

Dutch communists were remarkably progressive in their views on (heterosexual) sex, sex education, contraception and family planning. Many were active members of the Nederlandse Vereniging van Sexuele Hervorming ('Dutch League for Sexual Reform' or NVSH), and were passionate advocates of sexual health, and promoted the use of contraceptives and the legalisation of abortion. This progressive stance on sexuality and contraception was not led by the Dutch Communist Party (CPN). In fact, from the 1940s until the late 1960s, topics related to birth control, sex education and family planning had been given a wide berth in the CPN and its organisations. The CPN seemingly followed the example set by the Soviet Union, where, after a very brief moment of sexual liberation in the early post-revolution years, conservative views about sexuality, the family and household organisation had prevailed. Considering the Dutch party's refusal to address sex education and family planning, it is quite remarkable that so many of its members were such passionate advocates of sexual health. Based on a series of interviews with twenty-five cradle communists, communist archives, and a wide range of other sources, this article explores communists' stance on sexual health, and discusses their roles in the NVSH and the abortion rights movement during the Cold War. It argues that in regard to sexuality and sex education, the ideas of Dutch communists were much more in line with utopian socialist traditions that predated the Russian revolution as well as anarchist traditions carried through to communists, than with the Soviet ideology.


Author(s):  
Peter J. Schmelz

This book provides for the first time an accessible, comprehensive study of Alfred Schnittke’s Concerto Grosso no. 1 (1977). One of Schnittke’s best-known and most compelling works, the Concerto Grosso no. 1 sounds the surface of late Soviet life, resonating as well with contemporary compositional currents around the world. This innovative monograph builds on existing publications about the Concerto Grosso no. 1 in English, Russian, and German, augmenting and complicating them. It adds new information from underused primary sources, including Schnittke’s unpublished correspondence and his many published interviews. It also engages further with his sketches for the Concerto Grosso no. 1 and contemporary Soviet musical criticism. The result is a more objective, historical appraisal of this rich, multifaceted composition. The Concerto Grosso no. 1 provided a utopian model of the contemporary soundscape. It was a decisive point in Schnittke’s development of the approach he called polystylism, which aimed to contain in a single composition the wide range of contemporary musical styles, including jazz, pop, rock, and serial music. Thanks to it and his other similar compositions, Schnittke became one of the most-performed and most-recorded living composers at the end of the twentieth century. The novel structure of this book engages the Concerto Grosso no. 1 conceptually, historically, musically, and phenomenologically: the six movements of the composition frame the six chapters. The present volume thus provides a holistic accounting of Schnittke’s Concerto Grosso no. 1, its influences, and its impact on subsequent music making in the Soviet Union and worldwide.


Author(s):  
Lauren Frances Turek

This chapter explores how evangelical internationalism developed into a focused vision for U.S. foreign relations that provided the foundation for political advocacy on a wide range of global issues by the late 1970s and early 1980s. It argues that a powerful evangelical foreign policy emerged in response to growing anxieties about developments in international relations. It also explains how evangelicals drew on their connections with coreligionists abroad and combined their spiritual beliefs with human rights language in order to build support among policymakers for the cause of international religious liberty. The chapter reflects the layered and multimodal nature of evangelical internationalist development and of the foreign policy challenges that evangelical activists confronted. It also reveals how evangelical leaders, missionaries, and interest groups drew on their political power and the international evangelical network to shape international relations and national policies in the United States, the Soviet Union, Guatemala, and South Africa.


2021 ◽  
Vol 120 (828) ◽  
pp. 268-273
Author(s):  
Petru Negură

Unlike in the Baltics, support for independence in Moldova was relatively low among the political elites and the general population when the Soviet Union collapsed. In the 1990s, the political parties in power pursued an incoherent program, as governments swung between reformist and conservative agendas. Economic crises and systemic corruption depleted citizens’ trust in politicians and state institutions. This low institutional trust has hampered governance at all levels, and primarily in crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic.


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