scholarly journals Who was Peter Karlsson of Helsingborg? An Attempt to Identify a Medieval Seal Stamp Find

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 185-198
Author(s):  
Margareta Weidhagen-Hanerdt ◽  
Torstein Sjøvold ◽  
Håkan Mörnstad

Finds of seal stamps in graves from the Middle Ages are very rare, especially if they are undamaged. The owner of the well-preserved stamp in grave 207 in the Church of St. Clement in Helsingborg was a nobleman, called Peter Karlsson. His coat of arms, which is quartered, restricted the searching for his relationships geographically. A ’terminus ante quem' was set by the archaeological investigation. The individual age was determined by means of an osteological and odontological investigation. It has not, on the whole, been possible to connect the actual name with any known armorial seal with the quartered shield. The unclear family relationships of this time and the only accidentally preserved documents from the Middle Ages do not offer the research worker of genealogy and heraldry sufficiently reliable sources. Even if there is no clear evidence, however, many facts nevertheless support the presumption that the seal owner in grave 207 was identical with Mayor Peter Karlsson of Helsingborg and also that he was a member of the Thott family.

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 442
Author(s):  
LIGIA CRISTINA CARVALHO

<p><strong>Resumo</strong>: Por ter sido elaborado dentro de uma sociedade religiosa cristã medieval, que tem a Bíblia como paradigma e a Igreja como norteadora espiritual e comportamental, pelo menos desde o século V, o amor cortês caracteriza-se pela tensão dos contrários que marca tão singularmente o perfil histórico e cultural da Idade Média. Para Santo Agostinho, o amor eleva o indivíduo à verdade, ao conhecimento unitivo de Deus. Em conformidade com a ideia de Santo Agostinho, o amor cortês era tido como fonte de todo o bem. Entretanto, na literatura cortês, não era o conhecimento de uma verdade transcendente que se consegue com o amor, mas um enobrecimento do próprio ser em sua realidade terrena e, além disto, este amor não se dirige a Deus, mas ao próximo de sexo oposto. Dito isto, neste artigo discutiremos o cruzamento entre o sagrado e o profano na temática do amor cortês.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Idade Média Central – Literatura cavaleiresca – Amor cortês.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract</strong>: Because of drawning into a medieval Christian religious society, which has the Bible as a paradigm and the Church as a spiritual and behavioral guiding, at least since the fifth century, courtly love is characterized by the tension of opposites that mark the historical and cultural profile of the Middle Ages so singularly. For St. Augustine, love elevates the individual to the truth, to the unitive knowledge of God. In accordance with the idea of St. Augustine, courtly love was taken as the source of all good. However, in courtly literature, the knowledge of a transcendent truth was not achieved by love, but an ennoblement of the self in its earthly reality and, moreover, this love is not addressed to God but to others of the opposite sex. Said that, this article will discuss the intersection between the sacred and the profane in the theme of courtly love.</p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>: Central Middle Ages – Chivalric literature – Courteous love.</p>


1987 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. A. Hicks

It is notoriously difficult for biographers of late-medieval people to recapture the personalities of their subjects, and consequently motives often have to be deduced from actions. This fundamental difficulty prompted the great Professor Jacob Burckhardt to date the emergence of the individual from the Renaissance and to assert that, rulers apart, there were few developed personalities in the Middle Ages. Medieval people saw their world through a sort of ‘religious mist’, perceiving things distorted rather than as they really were. In spite of some recent support, Burckhardt's theory is not really tenable, but historians still find the prevalent religious aura difficult to penetrate. We may know the official doctrine and moral teaching of the Church, but we cannot safely assume that they were understood by the laity, when both contemporary sermons and literature proclaim the contrary. Even were the Church's teaching understood, historians would still not know in what ways and to what extent religion influenced other fields of individual activity – economic, social or political. Burckhardt's problem remains of more than purely religious importance.


Author(s):  
Olivier Guyotjeannin

This chapter examines administrative documents of the Middle Ages and the major scholarly studies of them. It surveys the number of preserved documents and the problems surrounding the lack of documents in different periods and places. The author discusses the role and influence of the Church in the increased production and preservation of documents beginning in the eleventh century, leading to an enormous increase in the production of documents during the last three centuries of the Middle Ages.


Traditio ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 68 ◽  
pp. 259-276
Author(s):  
D. Dudley Stutz

In 1232 Pope Gregory IX (r. 1227–41) imposed a tenth of episcopal revenues on prelates of Occitania to subsidize the church of Valence, which owed 10,000 poundstournoisto various bankers of Vienne, Rome, Lyons, and Siena. In 1865 B. Hauréau first noted the event when he edited one of the main documents in theGallia christianavolume concerning the ecclesiastical province of Vienne. With the publication of Gregory IX's register from 1890–1908 most of the facts of the tax were more widely available. In 1910 Ulysse Chevalier briefly mentioned the tax in his monograph on the long tenure of John of Bernin, archbishop of Vienne (r. 1218–66). In 1913, Heinrich Zimmermann cited Hauréau's text in a note in his detailed treatment of early thirteenth-century papal legations. Recently Alain Marchandisse reviewed eight of the eleven papal letters pertaining to the tax in his study of William of Savoy (d. 1239) as bishop-elect of Liège. These scholars provided no reason for the debt or why the papacy would take such measures to ensure payment. Perhaps they did not study this tax further because a church indebted to moneylenders is not in itself surprising. It appears that the church of Valence acquired the debt, very large compared to the church's income, when bishop-elect William of Savoy (r. 1225–39) waged war against Adhémar II of Poitiers-Valentinois, count of the Valentinois (r. 1189–1239). Struggles between bishops and the local nobility occurred on a regular basis throughout the Middle Ages, so what in this unimportant Rhone-valley diocese interested the pope enough to impose taxes on prelates of Occitania over twenty years to ensure payment of this debt? Adhémar II faithfully supported Raymond VI (r. 1194–1222) and Raymond VII (r. 1222–49) of Saint-Gilles, counts of Toulouse, throughout their struggle with the papacy during and following the Albigensian crusades. Adhémar II was also their vassal for the Diois, which borders the Valentinois on the southeast and comprised the northern portion of the marquisate of Provence. These lands had been reserved for the church in the Treaty of Meaux-Paris (1229), which ended the Albigensian crusades. Thus William of Savoy as bishop-elect of Valence defended the papacy's claims on the marquisate of Provence, which the papacy deemed part of the larger struggle between the Roman church and the counts of Toulouse. The facts on the nature of the debts and the steps the papacy took to aid the diocese show that the local struggle between the bishop of Valence and the count of the Valentinois embodied a part of the larger struggle between the papacy and the counts of Toulouse over the marquisate of Provence, which began as early as 1215.


1984 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 65-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mildred Budny ◽  
Dominic Tweddle

Among the relics in the treasury of the church of St Catherine at Maaseik in Limburg, Belgium, there are some luxurious embroideries which form part of the so-called casula (probably ‘chasuble’) of Sts Harlindis and Relindis (pls. I–VI). It was preserved throughout the Middle Ages at the abbey church of Aldeneik (which these sister-saints founded in the early eighth century) and was moved to nearby Maaseik in 1571. Although traditionally regarded as the handiwork of Harlindis and Relindis themselves, the embroideries cannot date from as early as their time, and they must have been made in Anglo-Saxon England. Indeed, they represent the earliest surviving examples of the highly prized English art of embroidery which became famous later in the Middle Ages as opus anglicanum.


1973 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 365
Author(s):  
G. ◽  
J. Gilchrist

Author(s):  
Martin McLaughlin

During the period of 1300–1600, autobiography and biography flourished in Italy despite the controversial thesis of the ‘rise of the individual’ during the Italian Renaissance. In the same period, a typology of biographical works emerged distinguishing the Middle Ages and the Renaissance in Italy. These three strands of biography are: collection of lives, a De viris illustribus tradition, revived in Petrarch's work of the same name and inspired by Classical lives of famous rulers, by medieval Viri illustres, and by famous writers and artists; individual biographies, again either of a single ruler or of an individual, and once more derived from Classical models, such as Boccaccio's De vita et moribus Francisci Petrarcchi and Trattatello in laude di Dante; and autobiography, which was pioneered by Petrarch through his Secretum, a purportedly secret dialogue in which St. Augustine was the subject. This chapter discusses distinctive examples of the three strands of biography, with emphasis on the biographies and autobiographies of the writers. It charts the rise and principal developments of these genres during 1350 to 1550.


Author(s):  
David Luscombe

This chapter discusses the contributions that were made by former Fellows of the Academy to the study of the medieval church. It states that the history of the medieval church is inseparable from the general history of the Middle Ages, since the church shaped society and society shaped the church. The chapter determines that no hard and fast distinction can always be made between the works by ecclesiastical historians during the twentieth century, and the contributions made to general history by other historians.


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