scholarly journals The EU’S Struggles with Collective Action for Securities Fraud

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-152
Author(s):  
Dan Morrissey

Notwithstanding the apparent exit of the United Kingdom, the European Union (“EU”) has grown in membership and power since its modest beginnings after World War II, now rivaling the U.S. in economic strength. With the goal of promoting the security and prosperity of all the citizens of the countries that belong to it, the EU is pressing ahead to adopt laws that will promote their political and financial integration. Along those lines, it has also recently acknowledged a deficiency in the legal systems of its member states when it comes to allowing collective actions for victims of various types of economic harm. To address that, the EU is now developing guidelines for such procedures that can redress those injuries. In the area of securities fraud, establishing such measures has taken on more importance after both a spate of financial frauds by European companies and a significant decision from the United States Supreme Court, Morrison v. National Australia Bank. That ruling cut back on the jurisdiction of American courts to adjudicate these claims against foreign defendants—even when a significant amount of the wrongdoing has occurred in the U.S. This EU initiative to develop a collective jurisprudence to redress securities fraud also supports another goal that would foster European economic well-being. It would promote a shift in the financing of businesses there from debt to equity. That would particularly help small- and medium-size firms by giving confidence to investors in those enterprises that if they were cheated they would have an effective means to remedy that wrong. As it is now, such stock frauds can typically involve a large number of investors, many of whom have relatively small holdings. Individual actions in those situations are not only too expensive to maintain but are often inadequate to compensate all their victims and deter future misconduct. The availability of effective collective remedies would help Europeans overcome their reluctance to make equity investments and therefore provide more flexible capital structures to businesses. The European Commission10 (“Commission”) is therefore trying to fashion legal tools to address that problem. This involves enhancement of the EU’s mechanisms for stockholder litigation—what one commentator defines as “an umbrella term for various forms of suit and a range of claims brought by shareholders against the company in which they hold shares or against its directors and officers.” The EU’s proposals in that regard seek to encourage what it calls “collective actions,”—its analog to U.S. class actions—where many stockholders with small claims can join together and adjudicate them in one suit. Without such a corrective mechanism, the costs of litigation would be too great for those individuals, and they would not be able to counter the substantial resources that the defendants typically have. The EU’s proposals, however, lack features that have made American class actions so effective. The Commission is reluctant to embrace that model because of what it calls our “abusive practices.” Chief among them are contingent fees that compensate lawyers who represent shareholders harmed by these frauds. In addition, the Europeans appear determined to hold on to several rules that discourage lawyers from taking these cases. One is “loser pay,” which makes those who are unsuccessful in litigation liable for the legal fees of their counterparties who prevail. The potential of that heavy extra charge is a disincentive for lawyers who would take these cases. Another is that only plaintiffs who directly consent to be parties can be part of these actions (opt-in), as opposed to the more generous opt-out practice which includes all victims of the common fraud as plaintiffs unless they specifically choose not to participate. This Article will therefore offer comment on those deficiencies in the developing European model and encourage our friends across the Atlantic to take a more realistic approach to their reforms. The American experience with securities class actions certainly has its detractors and may have had some failings which have now been corrected. All and all, however, the U.S. approach has served our economy well by protecting investors, checking corporate wrongdoing, and affording compensation to defrauded investors. First, this Article will give a brief overview of the historic problems that European companies have had with an over-reliance on debt financing. It will then discuss how reforms like better redress for fraud can change that by giving equity investors a stronger belief that they will get a fair shake. The EU’s proposals are a step in the right direction to address that concern, and the Article will go on to describe the current state of their development. After that, it will use an American perspective to point out their shortcomings with the goal of highlighting the benefits of the U.S. model to European policymakers.

Equilibrium ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Czarny ◽  
Paweł Folfas

We analyse potential consequences of the forthcoming Trade and Investment Partnership between the European Union and the United States (TTIP) for trade orientation of both partners. We do it so with along with the short analysis of the characteristics of the third wave of regionalism and the TTIP position in this process as well as the dominant role of the EU and the U.S. in the world economy – especially – in the world trade. Next, we study trade orientation of the hypothetical region created in result of TTIP. We use regional trade introversion index (RTII) to analyze trade between the EU and the U.S. that has taken place until now to get familiar with the potential changes caused by liberalization of trade between both partners. We analyze RTII for mutual trade of the EU and the U.S. Then, we apply disaggregated data to analyze and compare selected partial RTII (e.g. for trade in final and intermediate goods as well as goods produced in the main sectors of economy like agriculture or manufacturing). The analysis of the TTIP region’s orientation of trade based on the historical data from the period 1999-2012 revealed several conclusions. Nowadays, the trade between the EU and the U.S. is constrained by the protection applied by both partners. Trade liberalization constituting one necessary part of TTIP will surely help to intensify this trade. The factor of special concern is trade of agricultural products which is most constrained and will hardly be fully liberalized even within a framework of TTIP. Simultaneously, both parties are even now trading relatively intensively with intermediaries, which are often less protected than the average of the economy for the sake of development of final goods’ production. The manufactured goods are traded relatively often as well, mainly in consequence of their poor protection after many successful liberalization steps in the framework of GATT/WTO. Consequently, we point out that in many respects the TTIP will be important not only for its participants, but for the whole world economy as well. TTIP appears to be an economic and political project with serious consequences for the world economy and politics.


2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-182
Author(s):  
Adam Abelkop ◽  
John D. Graham ◽  
Lois R. Wise

In the casual political rhetoric about environmental regulation, it is often claimed that the U.S. government regulates on the basis of risk while the European Union (or EU member states) regulates on the basis of hazard. The implication is that the U.S. government relies on a more rigorous, scientific process of assessment than does the EU, which allegedly helps explain why the EU is more pro-regulation than is the United States.An alternative view, advanced originally by the late Professor Aaron Wildavsky of the University of California-Berkeley and amplified in a recent book by Professor Jonathan Wiener of Duke University, and colleagues, is that societies engage in a process of “risk selection.” What worries some societies does not worry others.


Author(s):  
Ned Kock ◽  
Pedro Antunes

Much of the funding for research and development initiatives in the area of e-collaboration comes from government agencies in various countries. Government funding of e-collaboration research in the European Union (EU) and the United States (U.S.), in particular, seems to be experiencing steady growth in recent years. In the EU, a key initiative to promote governmental investment in e-collaboration research is the Collaboration@Work initiative. This initiative is one of the EU’s Information Society Technologies Directorate General’s main priorities. In the U.S., government investment in e-collaboration research is channeled through several government branches and organizations, notably the National Science Foundation. There are key differences in the approaches used for government funding of e-collaboration research in the EU and U.S. Among other differences, the EU model appears to foster research that is aligned with the action research tradition, whereas the U.S. model places emphasis on research that is better aligned with the experimental research tradition.


2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 443-464
Author(s):  
Christa Altenstetter

The literature on the regulation of drugs at the FDA and the European Union is substantial, yet little research has provided comparative analyses and robust empirical data on the regulation of medical devices in the United States and the European Union. As medical and health markets become increasingly globalized, and the U.S. and the EU compete for leadership and recognition, salient domestic regulatory issues are becoming increasingly international and transnational policy issues. Building on Carpenter's (2010) work on drug regulation at the FDA, but taking a slightly narrower yet at the same time a broader approach by drawing on interdisciplinary studies instead of limiting ourselves to only the Political Science literature, this comparison focuses on key aspects of risk regulation and governance of medical devices in the U.S. and the EU, and shows how and why individual and organizational learning is imperative in each case.


Author(s):  
Oleg Prikhodko

The European Union is an important player in the U.S. policies aimed at maintaining liberal world order. The US-EU interaction has been shaped by a number of key variables, including international environment, specific goals of the U.S. administrations, institutional maturing of the EU, and a complex interplay of American and European diverging and overlapping interests. President D. Trump’s tenure was the most strained period in the US-EU relations, with an erosion of mutual trust and a ghost of trade war looming large. The Biden administration has reversed the U.S. policy towards the European Union. The US-EU summit held last June signified a return of normality in the relations of the transatlantic partners. Washington and Brussels outlined a broad agenda that embraces security, trade and economic issues, coordination in international affairs (concerning, in particular, Russia, China, and Iran), cooperation in decarbonizing of the world economy and promotion of a climate-friendly environment. A broad web of links between the United States and Europe facilitates their joining efforts in addressing global and regional challenges. Although, the US and the EU reached a series of compromises to mitigate their most acrimonious disagreements (Boeing–Airbus subsidies dispute is a vivid example in this regard), there are still unsettled major issues like a comprehensive free trade treaty unsuccessfully negotiated since the Obama presidency. The “Chinese factor” may turn out to be the most divisive one in the transatlantic relations, since the U.S. tough policy towards Beijing makes the EU countries to take hard decisions they prefer to avoid. While it is premature to predict precise implications of the Biden administration’s policy, one can reasonably expect the EU to become a more helpful partner to Washington in diplomatic and economic affairs.


1999 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 158-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samarendu Mohanty ◽  
E. Wesley F. Peterson

This study estimates demand for wheat differentiated by classes using a dynamic AIDS model for the United States and the European Union (EU). The results suggest that imported wheat is more price responsive than domestic wheat in the U.S. market but not in the EU market. This may suggest that the Canadian policy that reduces prices of Canadian wheat in the U.S. market or U.S. export subsidies that raise prices of U.S. wheat could be expected to give rise to substantial substitution of Canadian for U.S. wheat. It is also found that in the EU, complementary relationships exist between spring and other wheat groups. This complementary relationship between the lower and higher quality wheat in the EU is not surprising because EU millers blend cheaper wheat such as EU common wheat and U.S. other wheat with high protein (spring) to obtain the preferred characteristics.


2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Magdaléna Drastichová

Abstract Recent production and consumption activities impose a heavy burden on the Earth's current and future capacity. Therefore, it is inevitable to deal with the impacts of the economic activities on the natural resources which determine our future well-being and the survival by itself. The indicators reflecting impacts of regions and countries on the available resources are used in this Paper to operationalize the sustainable development concept. The Ecological Footprint, Total Biocapacity and their components are investigated in the European Union (EU) and its countries and the EU region is compared with the other regions of the world. The additional three developed countries – Norway, Switzerland and the United States (US), were included in the sample together with the EU countries to enable extended comparisons. The aim of the Paper is to evaluate sustainability in the EU and its countries by means of the Ecological Footprint and the available biocapacity and to detect the relations between the countries’ EF and their standard of living and human development level. Concerning the regions, the highest Ecological Footprint per capita is typical of North America followed by the EU region. The Northern countries show largest biocapacities and are thus the largest resource creditors. The worst results in the Ecological Footprint – biocapacity relations analysis are typical of Cyprus, Belgium, Netherlands and Italy. The cross-section regression models confirmed that, at least, in the sample of the developed countries the positive relations between the Ecological Footprint on the one hand and the standard of living / state of the human development on the other hand exist.


2019 ◽  
Vol 05 (02) ◽  
pp. 213-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreea Brînză

The second decade of the 21st century has been marked by rising tensions between the United States and China, with the European Union caught between the two powers in an era of strategic competition. The “[Formula: see text]” mechanism, which focuses on economic cooperation between China and Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries, is not spared from the U.S.-China economic confrontation. The United States has launched a political and public campaign against China’s telecommunication giant Huawei in the CEE region, where most countries are U.S. allies. Since its establishment as “[Formula: see text]” in 2012, the mechanism has made slow progress in generating expected benefits to CEE countries, as many of China’s investments are under negotiation, delayed, or even canceled. The case of Romania indicates that CEE countries’ engagement in “[Formula: see text]” depends heavily on the changing priorities of their political leadership, which adds much uncertainty to the future development of the mechanism. Besides, there is lingering EU concern that the mechanism may divide the Union. To enhance its status as a strong and responsible partner with CEE countries and the EU, China needs to reform “[Formula: see text]” into a more transparent, effective and inclusive regional mechanism that engages all interested countries.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-152
Author(s):  
Merijn Chamon

In the European Union the legislature has, in the past years, established an increasing number of agencies, granting them increasingly important powers. This phenomenon of agencification is legally problematic because it does not have a legal basis in the EU Treaties. In order to better understand the challenges posed by EU agencification, this Article looks at similar agencification processes in two other federal-type polities, the U.S. and Germany. Germany is especially relevant to understanding the vertical (federal) dimension to EU agencification, while the U.S. experience can inform us about the horizontal (separation of powers) dimension. This is done by looking at three distinct issues: The question of the initial establishment of a new body at the EU (federal) level, the extent to which powers can be entrusted to such a body, and the degree to which the decisions adopted by such bodies are judicially scrutinized. The Article concludes that EU agencification poses a greater risk than agencification in Germany or the US because control is partially less well-established (compared to Germany) and because the EU polity is much less mature (compared to the U.S.).


First Monday ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Qun Wang ◽  
Susan Keith

News aggregators have triggered copyright-related disputes between tech companies and news publishers. In the EU and the U.S., copyright systems have developed distinct characteristics. Because American tech companies stand to be hugely affected by the EU’s new copyright rules, some observers point out that the copyright war in Europe is fundamentally a collision between European and American copyright law systems. To respond to this observation, this study examines and compares European and U.S. perspectives on copyright and uses copyright as a lens to explore how digital platforms that aim at global influences provide the opportunity for different legal systems and legal traditions to converse and conflict. Through the comparison, this study argues that fundamental issues such as the nature of news are not effectively addressed in either system. While the EU and the U.S. present different regulatory trends in the case of copyright, a two-way shaping is at play.


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