scholarly journals Państwa zaborcze wobec zbiegów i dezerterów – rosyjsko-pruskie konwencje kartelowe z lat 1816–1830

2021 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-242
Author(s):  
Marek Rutkowski
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
Border Crossing ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Sensitive Topics ◽  
The Russian Empire

Relationships between the Russian Empire (and the Kingdom of Poland) and the Kingdom of Prussia, which took place during the first fifteen years after signing the Treaty of Vienna (1815), included many so-called sensitive topics. Among them there were issues of border crossing: fleeing and desertion. In order to stop or limit people from such acts, invading countries signed a plethora of cartel agreements in the years 1816-1830. One of the first agreements was signed on 13th/25th May 1816 that soon – on 24th March/5th April 1817 – was extended by an additional extradition order. Another important Russian-Prussian agreement was a convention (with a declaration) dated back to 17th/29th March 1830. The discussed agreements, which regulated the procedures for effective capture and transfer of deserters and fugitives in quite detail, were supposed to refer only to legal, not political, issues partly by definition, and by international practice. This lasted until 1830, when David d’Alopaeus and Christian Bernstorff signed a cartel agreement from March 1830, which also concerned (in the secret declaration) the possible extradition of political criminals. Signing of such a convention just eights months before the outbreak of the November Uprising shows invading countries’ attitude towards a possible and anticipated fight for Polish national liberation. 

scholarly journals Public Resistance in the National Liberation Movement of Poles in Right-Bank Ukraine in the First Half of the 1860s (From the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine, Kyiv)

2021 ◽  
pp. 389-404
Author(s):  
Oksana Ivanenko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
19Th Century ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Central State ◽  
Liberation Movement ◽  
Polish Question ◽  
Historical Archive ◽  
National Liberation Movement ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article covers important manifestations and specifics of the protest culture of the Polish community within the South-Western region of the Russian Empire in the first half of the 1860s on the basis of analysis and synthesis of information from the documents of "Office of Kyiv, Podillya and Volyn Governor-General" (f.442) and "Office of the trustee of the Kiev school district" (f.707) of the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine (Kyiv). Defending one's own cultural identity as a driver of national development is connected with the awareness of the political interests and goals of the liberation struggle of Poles. The unique influence of the Polish question on historical processes, the configuration of international relations in Europe during the "long 19th century" determines the relevance and scientific significance of the study and thinking of the history of Polish national and cultural movement. Comprehensive study of the Polish question in the European history of the 19th century is an important part of the scientific perception of interethnic contradictions and antagonisms in the Russian Empire and the reaction of European diplomacy and public opinion, a deeper understanding of the essence of Russian-Polish cultural and civilizational confrontation and its impact on Ukrainian national life. Following the three partitions of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth (1772, 1793, 1795) most of the territories of this formerly powerful European state were incorporated into the Russian Empire, there was a fierce struggle for cultural and ideological dominance in the region. The Polish national liberation movement of the 1860s, which culminated in the January Uprising of 1863-1864, developed against a background of broad social and cultural resistance to Russian autocracy, manifested in such protest actions as mourning and serving panikhads for dead Poles, singing patriotic Polish songs and hymns, public wearing of national costumes, participation in anti-government manifestations and demonstrations, refusal to read prayers for the emperor in churches, and so on. Clergy and educators, as well as students and pupils, were the driving force behind this protest movement, which had an international resonance

scholarly journals THE FIGHTING OF THE CARALIAN AUTHORITIES OF CZARISM WITH THE UKRAINIAN POLITICAL PARTIES OF THE ADVENTURES IN THE YEARS OF THE FIRST THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION

2020 ◽  
pp. 84-102
Author(s):  
О. Сарнацький
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Judicial Power ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Royal Court ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Judicial Procedure

The actions of the juridicalbranch of power of the autocracyin relationto the activity of oppositional political parties founded at the end of the 19-th – beginning of the 20-th centuries in Russian Empire and headed liberatoryand national-liberatorymovement in the country, whichwere aimed at ceaseof their politicalactivity and occurred simultaneously with administrative repressions over political opponents of the existing system.After all, the law in force in the empire until October 1905 did not allow the existence and activity of any political partiesin the country. In the conditions of the lawfulness proclaimed by tsarism (even with all its limitations), the authorities were forced to resort to court assistance. The accusatory verdict was the most severe punishment.During the First Russian Revolution, which began at this time, the judiciary in every way promoted the local administrative authorities in defining its properties of the committed «criminal acts» and punishing the perpetrators. More or less «condescending» sentences of judges against representatives of the revolutionary and national liberation movements in 1905 forced the tsarist judiciary to review such a judicial procedure and strengthen its harshness on defendants who committed crimes against the authorities. Subsequently, the Ministry of Justice issued a variety of secret circulars, aimed at intensifying the struggle of the courts against the revolutionary movement, and the court machine of the tsar began to increase pressure. The law of March 18, 1906, restricted the publicity of the court and the timeframe for hearing cases, abolished the requirement to record witnesses’ statements in the minutes and to motivate sentences. On May 11, 1906, the Ministry of Justice issued a circular to the courts No. 2015, which stated that cases of the most serious state crimes should be heard in the special presence of the court chamber behind closed doors. It consisted of a provincial nobleman, a mayor, and state representatives. The judicial power of the autocracy was actively “working”, punishing representatives and supporters of Ukrainian political parties when their activities were related to elections to the Second State Duma. At the same time, the royal court severely punished representatives of Ukrainian political parties, even if they were considered underage by the laws of the Russian Empire, without even considering some of them as guilty.

scholarly journals SUPPRESSION OF NATIONAL LIBERATION MOVEMENTS IN FERGANA REGION BY TURKESTAN MILITARY DISTRCT IN THE SECOND HALF OF XIX CENTURY

2021 ◽  
Vol 02 (08) ◽  
pp. 38-44
Author(s):  
Ikhtiyor Bokhodirov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
Public Order ◽  
Colonial Administration ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
High Position ◽  
Liberation Movement ◽  
National Liberation Movement ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Xix Century ◽  
Very High

Fergana region had a very high position in the colonial system of the Russian empire in Turkestan. The most population in Turkestan lived in Fergana and the empire got a lot of profit from this region. But the national liberation movement in Fergana region had always been a big problem for the Turkestan colonial administration. The imperial government used the troops of the Turkestan Military District to keep public order and supression the uprisings in the region.

scholarly journals LEADERS OF THE MUSLIM MOVEMENT RUSSIAN EMPIRE ABOUT KEY POLITICAL ISSUES THE BEGINNING OF THE XX CENTURY

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 969-981
Author(s):  
Aydar Yu. Habutdinov ◽  
Marina M. Imasheva
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Ural Region ◽  
The State ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Volga Ural Region

In the article, based on a wide range of documents, an attempt is made to analyze the interaction of the leaders of the Russian Muslim social movement on the main political issues of two key regions: the Volga-Ural and the Caucasus, at the beginning of the 20th century. We are talking about the cooperation of the leaders of the Muslim movement in considering the issues of the models of statehood and autonomy and land. The interaction of Muslims of the Volga-Ural region and the Caucasus in the framework of the activities of the Ittifak al-Muslimin party, the Muslim faction of the imperial State Duma of four convocations, during the revolutionary events of 1917 and the Civil War is considered.The source base of the study is bills, legislative sources, programs of parties and factions, clerical materials, verbatim records of meetings of the State Duma of all four convocations and Muslim congresses. Methodologically, the article is based on systematization, classification and analysis of these documents. To compare the facts and events related to the activities of the leaders of the Muslim movement of the Russian Empire at the beginning of the twentieth century and to determine their role in the history of interaction between the Muslims of the Volga-Ural region and the Caucasus, the comparative-historical method adopted in domestic science was applied. The conclusions are made that, firstly, the economic and intellectual elite of the Tatar and Azerbaijani peoples stood at the head of the social movement of Muslims of the Russian Empire. Secondly, the main issues facing the Muslim politicians of Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century were questions about the form of government and the autonomy of Muslims and land. Thirdly, the political cooperation between the leaders of the Muslims of the Volga-Ural region and the Caucasus at the beginning of the twentieth century led to the creation of the All-Russian Muslim party "Ittifak al-Muslimin", the Muslim faction of the State Duma, and the convocation of All-Russian Muslim congresses.

SOME HISTORICAL ASPECTS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF LOBBYISM IN UKRAINE AS AN INSTITUTION OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-113
Author(s):  
Tykhon Serhiiovych Yarovoi
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Historical Aspects ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article presents a research on the history of lobbying in modern Ukraine and the development of domestic lobbying during the Russian Empire, the period of the National Liberation struggles of the Ukrainian people and the USSR. The author focuses on the peculiarities of domestic lobbing, which was formed under conditions of a totalitarian system and transformed into post-Soviet years.

scholarly journals Office of the general governor of Turkestan and its activity in historiography

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (9) ◽  
pp. 155-157
Author(s):  
Hujayorova Sadokat
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Governing Body ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
Long Time ◽  
History Of ◽  
Colonial Order ◽  
The Russian Empire

This article describes the period of the invasion of the Russian Empire, one of the darkest and most dangerous periods in the history of Turkestan, and the historiography of its governing regimes, methods of administration and state institutions and their activities. By the nineteenth century, the khanates, weakened by civil war, could not withstand the onslaught of the Russian Empire. This was because they were hostile to each other. After the Russian Empire conquered Turkestan, it established its own colonial order. The goal was to keep Turkestan under its chains for a long time and to suppress the feelings of national liberation. To this end, he introduced his own administrative style, including the governor's office, which was the main governing body. This small research paper describes the policy of the Russian Empire towards these goals and its coverage in historiography.

scholarly journals Idea powrotu Ormian z rozproszenia do narodowej ojczyzny w świetle memoriałów Roberta Bogdanowicza z 1877 i 1884 roku

Lehahayer ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 191-231
Author(s):  
Andrzej A. Zięba
Keyword(s):  
Russian Empire ◽  
Language Barrier ◽  
The State ◽  
Significant Response ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Internal Affairs ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Church

The idea of the return of Armenians from dispersal to their historicalhomeland in the context of the Robert Bogdanowicz’s memorials from 1877 and 1884 The article contains an analysis of the two memorials, of which the first,from 1877, remained in the manuscript, and the second, from 1885, was publishedunder the title The question of the Church of Armenian rite and its mission, as wellas the Armenian question in the East in their own country. Both were compiled byRobert Bogdanowicz, a landowner, a descendant of an Armenian family who hadlived in Poland for at least four centuries. The memorials were inspired by the author’scorrespondence with the Minister of Internal Affairs of the Russian Empire,Mikhail Loris-Melikov, and Armenian archbishop Gabriel Ayvazovski. Bogdanowiczdiscussed the issue of Armenia’s independence, and in Russia he saw a patronof the struggle for national liberation. He called for the return of Polish Armeniansto their homeland in order to rebuild the state and its culture and spread ArmenianCatholicism there. Bogdanowicz can be considered one of those political thinkers ofmodern Armenia who were the co-founders of the ideology of Armenian nationalism,although the language barrier excluded its influence on other parts of the Armeniandiaspora. He did not receive any significant response among his peers atfirst, but then gained a few like-minded followers in the generations that followed.Therefore, he can be considered a protagonist of the Armenian national renaissanceof Polish Armenians that took place between the two world wars, and whose furtherdevelopment was blocked by the destruction of their homeland in former Galicia andtheir dispersion after 1944.

D. I. Mendeleev’s “cherished thoughts” on foreign trade and “proper protectionism”

2020 ◽  
pp. 120-139
Author(s):  
T. N. Belova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Trade ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Foreign Trade Policy ◽  
Basic Principles ◽  
Industrial Economy ◽  
The North ◽  
Russian Economy ◽  
American Scholar ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Competition Growth

Foreign trade policy and its role in the economic growth of the national economy are considered through the prism of history and comparison of the formation of the industrial economy in the Russian Empire and the North American United States. The author compares the protectionism of D. I. Mendeleev, described in his economic works, and the free trade thinking of the American scholar W. Sumner, who formulated the “misconceptions” of protectionism. Mendeleev’s proper protectionism is grounded on the basic principles (incentivizing internal competition, growth of consumption, bringing up of new industries ), which are relevant for contemporary Russia. The author gives a typical example of the formation and decline of the factory industry using the case of mirror factories in the Ryazan province. These historical analogies, the paper argues, are necessary for the correct assessment of the current situation and for coming up with valid solutions aimed at the development of the Russian economy.

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