scholarly journals The Effects of the Current Security System’s Transformation on the Security of the Central European Nation States

2020 ◽  
Vol 148 (Special Issue 2.) ◽  
pp. 65-82
Author(s):  
Ladislav Pásztor

The end of the bipolar world order at the end of the 20th century, which has had a strong impact on the global security system and particularly affected the Central European states to this day, gave rise to an analytical-evaluative approach to the security threats in the region. The topic of this doctoral research (‘An Analysis- and Evaluation-based Approach to the Security Threats in Central Europe’) is primarily the analysis and evaluation of the risk factors to the V-4 states, especially Slovakia and Hungary. The article analyses the external security challenges, risks, and threats identified on the basis author’s objective perception and can be primarily classified as ones within political and military dimensions. Of course, this does not dismiss the possibility that the threats not discussed in this study are non-existent. With the use of National Security and Defence Strategies and annual Security Assessment Reports the article presents the risk factors identified by Slovakia and the Czech Republic.

Author(s):  
Sir Richard Dearlove

This article discusses the changing perceptions on national security and civic anxiety. During the Cold War and its aftermath, security was rather a simple and straightforward issue. The countries knew their enemies, where they are and the threats they presented. On the event that, the enemies's secrets were unknown, probing techniques were employed to determine the weaknesses of the enemy. This formulaic situation which seeped through in to the twenty-first century left little room for innovation. In fact, in some countries, security maintained at the Cold War levels despite criticisms that new and emerging national security threats should be addressed at a new level. Of the powerful nations, America maintained the role of a world policeman and adapted its national security priorities according to its perception of a new series of strategic threats; however these new security strategies were without a sense of urgency. However, the perception of global threats and national security radically changed in the event of the 9/11 attack. The sleeping national security priorities of America came to a full force which affected the national security priorities of other nations as well. In the twenty-first globalized world, no conflict remains a regional clash. The reverberations of the Russian military action in Georgia, the Israeli intervention in Gaza, and the results of the attacks in Mumbai resonates loudly and rapidly through the wider international security system. While today, nations continue to seek new methods for addressing new security threats, the paradox of the national security policy is that nation-states have lost their exclusive grip of their own security at a time when the private citizens are assailed by increased fears for their own security and demand a more enhanced safety from the state. Nation-states have been much safer from large-scale violence, however there exists a strong sense of anxiety about the lack of security in the face of multiplicity of threats. Nations have been largely dependent on international coordinated action to achieve their important national security objectives. National policies and security theory lack precision. In addition, the internationalization of national security has eroded the distinction between domestic and foreign security. These blurring lines suggest that the understanding of national security is still at the height of transformations.


2009 ◽  
Vol 165 (3) ◽  
pp. 263-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Schneider ◽  
Kairi Kõlves ◽  
Maria Blettner ◽  
Tilman Wetterling ◽  
Axel Schnabel ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Martin S. Flaherty

This chapter looks to the real “New World Order.” Conventionally, international relations as well as international law concentrated on the interactions of nation-states. On this model, the United States, China, Russia, the United Kingdom, Kenya, Mexico, and the Bahamas, for example, are principally the irreducible units. Recent thinking emphasizes that instead, international relations more and more consists of executive, legislative, and judicial officials directly reaching out to their foreign counterparts to share information, forge ongoing networks, coordinate cooperation, and construct new frameworks. The traditional nation-state has today become “disaggregated,” dealing with its peers less as monolithic sovereign states than through these more specialized “global networks.” Notably, the counterparts that officials of one state seek out in others tracks the divisions of separation of powers: executives to executives, judges to judges, legislators to legislators. How such transnational, interdepartmental networking affects each branch of government within a given state is another matter.


2013 ◽  
Vol 48 (6) ◽  
pp. 1740-1768 ◽  
Author(s):  
MAGGIE CLINTON

AbstractFascist Italy's 1935 invasion of Ethiopia and the League of Nations’ handling of the crisis resonated strongly in Nationalist China, where it recalled the League's failure to thwart Japan's claims to Manchuria in 1931. As these two crises unfolded, the League became a nexus around which Nationalist Party debates about the position of colonized and semi-colonized countries within the extant world order crystallized. Party adherents reflected on China's and Ethiopia's positions as independent nation states with limited territorial integrity or juridical autonomy, and assessed this situation in light of their respective League memberships. While party liberals continued to view the League as a flawed but worthwhile experiment in global governance, newly-emerged fascist activists within the party denounced it as an instrument for curtailing the sovereignty of weak nations. From these conflicting views of the League, it can be discerned how Nationalist disunity was partially grounded in disagreements over the nature and ideal structure of the global order, and how Chinese fascists agitated to escape from modern structures of imperialist domination while reiterating the latter's racial and civilizational exclusions.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2 (45)) ◽  
pp. 214-216
Author(s):  
Anna Kuznetsova
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 39-52
Author(s):  
Jorge Faria ◽  
Paula Veiga ◽  
João Ribeiro

Objectives The aim of the study was to assess the psychosocial risks to which workers in a wiring firm in Portugal are exposed, and to assess their impact in terms of worker’s health and well-being. The exposure to risks, the risk levels and the health and well-being status were self-reported. Methods Data was collected using the short version of the Copenhagen Psychosocial Questionnaire. Data analysis was descriptive: the scale’s reliability was assessed, traffic light analysis was performed, and relative risk of exposure to psychosocial risks was calculated. Workers perceive exposure to several psychosocial risks, in particular in the production line and women. In general, the deteriorating psychosocial work environment is associated with lower health and well-being. Results The study identifies job demands and job insecurity as the main psychosocial risk factors. However, some of the risk factors that are perceived less frequently, such as Social Relations and Leadership, Quality of Leadership, Rewards, Work/ Family Conflict and Self-efficacy, have a strong impact on the health and well-being of the workers who perceive them. Conclusions The results highlight the need for a multidimensional approach to the assessment and management of psychosocial risks, to facilitate targeted intervention that take into account different risk factors, as well as different groups of workers.


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