The Chinese World Order in Historical Perspective: Soft Power or the Imperialism of Nation-States?

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Prasenjit Duara
2019 ◽  
Vol 02 (04) ◽  
pp. 1950023
Author(s):  
Prasenjit Duara

I seek to grasp the genealogy of China’s Belt and Road (BRI) in relation both to the imperial Chinese world order and the historical sequence of forms of global domination, i.e., modern imperialism, the ‘imperialism of nation-states’ during the inter-war and Cold War period as well as the post-Cold War notion of ‘soft power’. While we may think of BRI as poised uncertainly between the logics of the older imperial Chinese order and the more recent logic impelled by capitalist nation-states, there are significant novelties in the new Chinese order, mostly in relation to debt, the environment and digital technology which constitute new realms of power not easily dominated by a hegemon.


Author(s):  
Adam Krzymowski

This paper presents an analysis of the role and significance of Expo2020 Dubai for UAE soft power in connection with the current and future global strategic challenges. The New World Order that emerged after the fall of the Soviet Union, when President Bush Sr proclaimed a “new world order” at the time of the Gulf War in 1991. Now, we have a stage of global political and economic chaos with no grand winners and a greater number of losers. Fast forward 30 years later, in 2021, we need connecting minds, creating a future that frees the world of wars and political strife, and its promises to eradicate poverty, disease and hunger. The plethora of initiatives may have a positive impact on Asia, but there is also the risk that fierce competition may result in unprofitable projects, while the economic slowdown could cause a decline in funding. Expo2020 Dubai is a great soft power tool, as well as a contribution to the newly emerging international system. Therefore, the researcher put the main question: what is Expo2020 Dubai’ role and significance for UAE soft power strategy and dynamics of international relations. The accepted hypothesis is that Expo2020 Dubai has a great opportunity to be added value for building a new global order.In order to conduct scientific research, the author used many theoretical methods and tools, including the use of neorealist theory, analysis of constellations of interests, or neo-institutional theory. In addition, due to the researcher’s participation in many of the processes studied, the work is also based on personal experience. In this sense, the research study has scientific as well as practical importance. Keywords: Soft Power, Expo 2020 Dubai, International Branding, United Arab Emirates, International Relations.


Author(s):  
Celso Amorim

In the last years of the twentieth century, after the end of the Cold War, the world has evolved into a mixed structure, which preserves the characteristics of unipolarity at the same time that approaches to a multipolar world in some ways. In an international reality marked by its fluid nature, the emergence of new actors and the so-called "asymmetric threats" has not eliminated the former agents in the world order. And the conflict between the States has not disappeared from the horizon. In this context, diplomacy must have the permanent support of defense policy. Therefore, in the Brazilian case, the paper presents that the country should adopt a grand strategy that combines foreign policy and defense policy, in which soft power will be enhanced by hard power.


Author(s):  
Martin S. Flaherty

This chapter looks to the real “New World Order.” Conventionally, international relations as well as international law concentrated on the interactions of nation-states. On this model, the United States, China, Russia, the United Kingdom, Kenya, Mexico, and the Bahamas, for example, are principally the irreducible units. Recent thinking emphasizes that instead, international relations more and more consists of executive, legislative, and judicial officials directly reaching out to their foreign counterparts to share information, forge ongoing networks, coordinate cooperation, and construct new frameworks. The traditional nation-state has today become “disaggregated,” dealing with its peers less as monolithic sovereign states than through these more specialized “global networks.” Notably, the counterparts that officials of one state seek out in others tracks the divisions of separation of powers: executives to executives, judges to judges, legislators to legislators. How such transnational, interdepartmental networking affects each branch of government within a given state is another matter.


2013 ◽  
Vol 48 (6) ◽  
pp. 1740-1768 ◽  
Author(s):  
MAGGIE CLINTON

AbstractFascist Italy's 1935 invasion of Ethiopia and the League of Nations’ handling of the crisis resonated strongly in Nationalist China, where it recalled the League's failure to thwart Japan's claims to Manchuria in 1931. As these two crises unfolded, the League became a nexus around which Nationalist Party debates about the position of colonized and semi-colonized countries within the extant world order crystallized. Party adherents reflected on China's and Ethiopia's positions as independent nation states with limited territorial integrity or juridical autonomy, and assessed this situation in light of their respective League memberships. While party liberals continued to view the League as a flawed but worthwhile experiment in global governance, newly-emerged fascist activists within the party denounced it as an instrument for curtailing the sovereignty of weak nations. From these conflicting views of the League, it can be discerned how Nationalist disunity was partially grounded in disagreements over the nature and ideal structure of the global order, and how Chinese fascists agitated to escape from modern structures of imperialist domination while reiterating the latter's racial and civilizational exclusions.


1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Peter Gran ◽  
David M. Kirkham ◽  
Glenn Blackburn ◽  
Wayne C. McWilliams ◽  
Harry Piotrowski

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (2 (45)) ◽  
pp. 214-216
Author(s):  
Anna Kuznetsova
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Chrystie Swiney

This article examines the rising influence of cities in global governance and on international law, despite the existing international legal and political framework, which is designed to exclude them. It explores the various strategies and tools utilized by city leaders to leapfrog over their national counterparts in order to autonomously access the international policymaking and law-making world. These include (1) coalescing together to form large networks, which engage in city or “glocal” diplomacy; (2) allying with well-connected and well-resourced international organizations; (3) gaining inclusion in UN multilateral agendas; (4) mirroring state-based coalitions and their high-profile events; (5) harnessing the language of international law (especially international human rights and environmental law) to advance agendas at odds with their national counterparts; and (6) adopting resolutions, declarations, and voluntarily self-policed commitments––what I refer to as “global law.” The paper argues that the existing concepts and frameworks that we use to explain the international political and legal world order––concepts that inhere in international legal literature and in international relations theory––are ill-equipped to conceptualize the changing status of cities, as well as other sub-national actors, in global politics. The article concludes by offering a new framework, with new concepts and updated verbiage, for understanding the changing relationship of cities to both international law and international relations, a framework I refer to as the “Urbanization of Global Relations.”


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