scholarly journals 1968: Victorian anti-war movement gets an injection

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-26
Author(s):  
Nicholas Butler
Keyword(s):  
Baby Boomers ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
South Vietnam ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
Political Demonstrations ◽  
The University

When the 'baby-boomers' had reached university age, their understandings, habits and behaviours often collided with the political discourse of their parents' generation. By 1968, the Monash University Labor Club, fresh from its campaign to raise money for the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam (NLF), had discarded the mantle of Labor reformism and set itself on a path of a radical communist activism that scorned the efforts of the Communist Party (CPA) to contain its enthusiasm. In concert with similarly leaning student clubs at the other two Victorian universities it turned its attention to the protest movement outside the university, against conscription and the Vietnam Wm: That brought the inevitable clash with the older established anti war movement led by a loose blend of ALP, CPA, church groups and unions. This process led, in Scalmer's classification of protest actions, to the mode of political demonstrations leaping radically from 'staging' to 'disruption.'

scholarly journals Most Innovative Asia-Pacific Universities

2021 ◽  
pp. 21-24
Author(s):  
Abdulrahman Obaid Al-Youbi ◽  
Adnan Hamza Mohammad Zahed ◽  
Mahmoud Nadim Nahas ◽  
Ahmad Abousree Hegazy
Keyword(s):  
New Technologies ◽  
The Other ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Technical Innovation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Branch Campuses ◽  
The Third ◽  
The World ◽  
The University

AbstractDespite of the political instability in South Korea, there are strong and solid relations between universities and industry. These relations continue to lead economic growth and technical innovation in this country. This is the conclusion reached by Reuters in the third annual classification of Asian and Pacific universities, working on achieving progress in sciences and creating new technologies [29]. Korea Advanced Institute of Science and Technology, currently known as KAIST, is ranked the first for the third year in a row. Historically speaking, KAIST is the oldest Korean university dedicated for research, sciences, and engineering. It has three branch campuses in the following cities: Daejeon, Seoul, and Busan. The university produces a large number of innovations and applies for more patents than the other 75 universities on the list. In addition, researchers all over the world cite highly the research and patents of this university.

‘Astounding it is, what Lidice carries’: The transport of Czechoslovak weapons for the Algerian National Liberation Front in 1959

2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-69
Author(s):  
Lenka Krátká
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
National Liberation Front

This article describes the detention in 1959 of the Czechoslovak ship Lidice, which was carrying weapons for the Algerian National Liberation Front, by the French Navy. Using documents from Czech archives, the study offers insights into this affair from two perspectives: first, that of the shipmaster and the officer for political affairs, who were aboard the ship during the detention; and second, that of the highest governmental and Communist Party authorities in Prague, which were concerned with the diplomatic and political aspects of the case.

‘There shall be no musical servitude’: Towards a Multitudinous Shostakovich in the West

2020 ◽  
Vol 145 (2) ◽  
pp. 495-505
Author(s):  
EIRINI DIAMANTOULI
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Musical Style ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The One ◽  
The Cold War

Ideologically motivated attempts to elucidate Shostakovich’s political views and to determine whether and how they may be coded into his compositions have come to characterize the Western reception of the composer’s works since his death in 1975. Fuelled by the political oppositions of the cold war, Shostakovich’s posthumous reputation in the West has been largely shaped by two conflicting perspectives. These have positioned him on the one hand as a secret dissident, bent and broken under the unbearable strain of totalitarianism, made heroic through his veiled musical resistance to Communism; and on the other hand as a composer compromised by his capitulation to the regime – represented in an anachronistic musical style. Both perspectives surrender Shostakovich and his music to a crude oversimplification driven by vested political interests. Western listeners thus conditioned are primed to hear either the coded dissidence of a tragic victim of Communist brutality or the sinister submission of a ‘loyal son of the Communist Party’.1 For those prepared to accept Shostakovich as a ‘tragic victim’, the publication of his purported memoirs in 1979, ‘as related to and edited by’ the author Solomon Volkov, presents a tantalizing conclusion: bitterly yet discreetly scornful of the Stalinist regime, Shostakovich was indeed a secret dissident and this dissidence was made tangible in his music.

scholarly journals X.—The Aborigines of Tasmania. Part III. The Hair of the Head compared with that of other Ulotrichi and with Australians and Polynesians

1915 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Turner
Keyword(s):  
New Guinea ◽  
The Other ◽  
Malay Peninsula ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
University Of Edinburgh ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The University

A number of years ago I began to form and arrange in the Anatomical Museum of the University of Edinburgh a collection of the hair of the head to illustrate the varieties in colour and character which exist in the Races of Men. In a classification of the races based on the colour and characters of the hair, anthropologists have usually adopted the suggestion made by Bory de St Vincent, and have divided them into two groups: Leiotrichi, with straight, smooth hair; and Ulotrichi, with woolly or frizzly hair. Each of these again is capable of subdivision.In this memoir I intend especially to examine the Ulotrichi, which comprise two well-marked subdivisions. In one the hair is very short, and is arranged in small spiral tufts, the individual hairs in which are twisted on each other, a mat-like arrangement of compact spiral locks closely set together being the result. In the other the hair is moderately long, the locks are slender, curled or spirally twisted in a part of their length and terminate at the free end in a frizzly bush-like arrangement. Ulotrichous hair is found in various African races, in the aborigines of Tasmania, New Guinea, the Melanesian Islands in the Pacific, in the Negritos of the Malay Peninsula and of some of the islands of the Asiatic Archipelago. The Leiotrichi are Australians, Polynesians, Mongols, Malays, Indians, Arabs, Esquimaux and Europeans.

American policy orientalized

2006 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-334
Author(s):  
Edmund F. Wehrle
Keyword(s):  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Diplomatic History ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Temple University ◽  
South Vietnam ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
American Policy ◽  
Reign Of Terror ◽  
Ngo Dinh Diem ◽  
The U.S

America's Miracle Man in Vietnam presents a prime example of the controversial new cultural trend in U.S. diplomatic history. On the surface, the author's depiction of the process whereby Ngo Dinh Diem became America's candidate to head the new country of South Vietnam is familiar (see, for instance, George Herring, America's Longest War, Temple University Press, 1986, 50–69). Echoing others, Jacobs argues that the U.S. promotion of Diem ultimately led to severe setbacks in Southeast Asia. So blatant were Diem's flaws, Jacobs insists, virtually any prescient observer could have predicted his unsuitability to lead nascent South Vietnam. Diem had no political base, was “undeniably an autocrat,” and appeared to be an eccentric loner by virtually all accounts (38). Once in office, Diem predictably launched his “reign of terror and error,” alienating legions of his countrymen and strengthening his opposition, which emerged officially as the National Liberation Front in 1960 (17).

Przywódcy polityczni: Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Zhu De – przestrzeń współpracy i rywalizacji

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (14) ◽  
pp. 0-0
Author(s):  
Marian Tadeusz Mencel
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
The Political ◽  
Synthetic Approach ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Political Reality

This lecture includes an attempt to answer the question: what the connection of Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai and Zhu De was, and what conditions contributed to the fact that both Zhou Enlai and Zhu De did not share the fate of the political opponents of Mao Zedong, inter alia Liu Shaoqi, Wang Ming, Gao Gang and others. Recognizing the political reality of China of the period from the creation of the CPC to the death of the heroes, the synthetic approach shows their resumes, and an attempt was taken to involve the most important facts to answer the questions, inter alia about civil, war of national liberation, domestic and foreign policy of China implemented in accordance with the provisions of the Communist Party of China and the role of the heroes in shaping the cultural and civilisation order after the declaration of the establishment of the People’s Republic of China.

Election reinforces the regime’s control of Algeria

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Oil Price ◽  
The Political ◽  
Young Generation ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Content Type ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
The Government

Significance The National Liberation Front (FLN) and Democratic National Rally (RND) received the most seats, as expected, amid widespread voter apathy. Impacts The government will continue its austerity strategy in response to the low oil price, and face more social tension and protests. The young generation will lose even more trust in the political system and opt for protest, resignation and emigration. The supporters of security and economic cooperation with the United States within the regime were strengthened.

The Aftermath of Algeria’s First Free Local Elections

1991 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 466-479 ◽  
Author(s):  
Belkacem Iratni ◽  
Mohand Salah Tahi
Keyword(s):  
Collective Memory ◽  
Social System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
National Liberation Front ◽  
History Of ◽  
First Time ◽  
Colonial Settlement ◽  
Ruling Party

THERE ARE SOME DATES AND EVENTS WHICH REMAIN engraved in the collective memory of a people. In Algeria these are: 1 November 1954, which sparked the eight-year long War of Liberation; 5 July 1962, which witnessed the end of French rule over the country after 130 years of colonial settlement; and 12 June 1990, which signalled the withering away of the monopoly of power exercised by the ruling party - the National Liberation Front (FLN) - following the holding of the first ever free and competitive local elections in the history of independent Algeria. No doubt, on 12 June 1990 the Constitution of 23 February 1989, which fundamentally transformed the political and social system of Algeria, achieved its most spectacular application. These elections aimed at the renewal of seats in the Councils of both APC: Assemblées Populaires Communales (constituencies), and APW: Assemblées Populaires de Wilayat (provinces). For the first time, Algerians were offered the freedom to choose their representatives from among lists of candidates sponsored by several newly-legalized parties alongside the FLN, and for the first time, the FLN tasted defeat.

scholarly journals National Liberation for Whom? The Postcolonial Question, the Communist Party of Great Britain, and the Party’s African and Caribbean Membership

2016 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 283-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evan Smith
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
British Empire ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Raw Materials ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Trade Relationship

AbstractThe Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) had a long tradition of anti-colonial activism since its foundation in 1920 and had been a champion of national liberation within the British Empire. However, the Party also adhered to the idea that Britain’s former colonies, once independent, would want to join a trade relationship with their former coloniser, believing that Britain required these forms of relationship to maintain supplies of food and raw materials. This position was maintained into the 1950s until challenged in 1956–1957 by the Party’s African and Caribbean membership, seizing the opportunity presented by the fallout of the political crises facing the CPGB in 1956. I argue in this article that this challenge was an important turning point for the Communist Party’s view on issues of imperialism and race, and also led to a burst of anti-colonial and anti-racist activism. But this victory by its African and Caribbean members was short-lived, as the political landscape and agenda of the CPGB shifted in the late 1960s.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document