scholarly journals The Belt and Road Initiative as a New China’s Foreign Economic Policy towards the ASEAN Countries

2020 ◽  
Vol VIII (Issue 3) ◽  
pp. 374-392
Author(s):  
Maxim ◽  
Elena ◽  
Anna ◽  
Antonina
Author(s):  
Mohd Haniff Jedin ◽  
Zhang Meng Di

The rising US–China tension in the global trade war increased the trade cooperation between China and the ASEAN. Consequently, China’s total import and export volume with ASEAN increased tremendously to 684.60 billion USD in 2020, up by 6.7% year on year. This trend is part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) which promotes China’s infrastructure building program in the neighboring ASEAN countries and exports China’s technical know-how and engineering standards. However, the recent coronavirus outbreak that stormed China and the rest of the world caused delays to many BRI projects. Subsequently, this outbreak also hit the ASEAN countries and halted many of their mega-projects under the BRI framework. Thus, this study attempts to highlight the trade cooperation and project developments of BRI in the ASEAN countries. In addition, the study features the landscape of BRI projects that were affected by the coronavirus amongst the ASEAN countries.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
SHI JIN ◽  
HU XIAOHUI ◽  
LI YUNXIONG ◽  
FENG TAO

In recent years, China has been increasingly witnessed as a major global outward investor, especially since the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013. The question of whether and if yes how the BRI reshapes firm outward investment motives remains under-researched. Using a project-level database of China’s Outward Direct Investment from the Ministry of Commerce from 2010 to 2015, this paper investigates the changing investment motives of state-owned and private-owned enterprises (SOEs and POEs) before and after the implementation of the BRI in two periods, namely 2010–2013 and 2014–2015. Our conditional logit models show that (1) market-seeking is one of the key motives for both POEs and SOEs; (2) POEs pursued natural resources in ASEAN based on geographical and relational proximity in the pre-BRI period while SOEs are directed to exploit natural resources in ASEAN besides remoter destinations after the launch of the BRI; (3) POEs are risk-taking in both periods, which runs counter to conventional expectations. This can be explained by the long-term investment tradition of POEs in ASEAN in which POEs are attracted predominantly by socio-economic factors and often less sensitive to variegated host institutions among ASEAN countries and (4) the BRI promotes Chinese OFDI in ASEAN through increased senior leader visits and enhanced diplomatic relations.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
THERESA YAN ◽  
PETER ENDERWICK

Assessment of the likely impact of Chinese OFDI on the ASEAN members of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) requires understanding of the evolution of Chinese policy, regulations and institutions. Utilizing recent developments in institutional theory, this paper examines the interplay between China’s OFDI regulations and enterprise supportive policies. Liberalization of FDI regulations complements policies of technological catch-up and the development of regionally focused multilateral institutions. Evidence of an increasing level of Chinese OFDI since 2003, and of a larger share attracted to the BRI group, particularly the ASEAN countries, is consistent with the theorizing.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (12) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Jui-Lung Chen ◽  
Hsiung-Shen Jung

The Belt and Road Initiative advocated by China is expecting to assist in the infrastructure and financing of participating countries and promote free trade through cooperation with countries along the Belt and Road. China hopes to lead the regional economic integration process through investment-driven trade. Out of geopolitical considerations, Russia and India initially held a relatively negative or cautious attitude towards the Belt and Road Initiative. Therefore, Russia proposed the concept of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) in 2011 in order to unite the other independent ASEAN countries based on the customs alliance consisting of Russia, Belarus, and Kazakhstan, and thus create a supranational consortium, which in turn have the ability to compete and cooperate with the Belt and Road Initiative proposed by China. In 2014, India launched the Indian version of the Belt and Road Initiative, named Project Mausam, expecting to promote the integration of economic and trade exchanges around the Indian Ocean with India as the center. However, after recent strikes by the trade war, China actively seeks assistance from India and Russia in order to break through the US trade blockade. During the G20 summit held in Japan in June 2019, China, India, and Russia held a three-party talk. After the talk, the three countries issued a joint statement claiming that “they shall undertake more global responsibilities to protect the fundamental and long-term interests of the three countries themselves and the world”, which seems to have opened up opportunities for future cooperation among the three countries. Therefore, this paper explores the competitive and cooperative relationship among China, India, and Russia under the Belt and Road Initiative.


Author(s):  
Ian Hall

This chapter examines the Modi government’s foreign economic policy, focusing especially on its reform agenda – including signature projects like ‘Make in India’ – and its relations with other South Asian states. It argues that despite Modi’s rhetoric about globalisation, inclusion and connectivity, his government’s economic agenda was conditioned more by inherited Hindu nationalist ideas than by liberal principles. These ideas, the chapter contends, tethered the Modi government to a form of economic nationalism. It explores the limited reforms pursued, and the consequences for India’s economy and its trade and investment relations with other states. Finally, it discusses the Modi government’s evolving attitude to China’s Belt and Road Initiative, which threatened to draw India and other South Asian states further into Beijing’s economic orbit.


2021 ◽  
pp. 2150001
Author(s):  
Chow Man-kong ◽  
Hung Wing-lok ◽  
Chang Chak-yan

This paper seeks to apply China’s vision of a “common destiny” to an analysis of the relationship between China and ASEAN countries during the COVID-19 pandemic. It first discusses how the Sino-ASEAN relationship has been affected by the crisis, especially in fundamental business sectors. The second part explains how China has responded to global and regional economic challenges to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects. This paper advocates that an interpretative model of a common destiny should be considered when assessing the ongoing viability of the Belt and Road Initiative and in answering its critics.


Author(s):  
Yang Liu ◽  
Fabio Massimo Parenti

Nationalism can manifest itself in different forms. It is not only closing the door to the other nations (autarchic policies). On the contrary, sometimes it exhibits as crazy expansion, combining autarchy and imperialism. Economic nationalism presents contradictions. Nowadays, in front of the experience of globalization, driven by the so-called “Washington consensus,” we do witness new projects coming from the PRC. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), formerly known as One Belt One Road (OBOR), is the most important economic policy for China in the 21st century and represents at the same time a new idea of globalization, based on cooperation instead of a sharp competition. On the other hand, countries located in and around this area have their own views regarding this program, positive and negative. This chapter attempts to provide a deep understanding of the economic nationalism concern through the BRI program.


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