Direct Parliamentarianism and Cybercratic Centralism of the Five Star Movement: The Success and Limits of a Post-populist Political Movement

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-116
Author(s):  
Byungkee Jung
Keyword(s):  
Political Movement ◽  
Five Star Movement

The Rise of Algorithm Populism

2020 ◽  
pp. 73-95
Author(s):  
Noelle Molé Liston
Keyword(s):  
Alternative Explanation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Political Career ◽  
Protest Movement ◽  
Five Star Movement ◽  
Silvio Berlusconi

This chapter scrutinizes the political career of comedian-cum-politician Beppe Grillo, who founded the Five Star Movement, an algorithm party that currently co-rules Italy. It explores how Italy shifted from the glossy prepackaged world of Silvio Berlusconi toward a grassroots, Internet-driven, and algorithmic political movement. It also describes the Five Star Movement as a protest movement on populism, antipolitics, and anarchism. The chapter discusses Grillo's deployment of supernatural humor and political suspicion, as well as his otherworldly humor and cynical hypotheses that speak to brewing cultural and economic anxieties. It refers to Grillo's theories that offer citizens a scapegoat or an alternative explanation for Italy's socioeconomic crises and the labor of the supernatural.

#M5S (Five Star Movement) and the National Political Campaign

2020 ◽  
pp. 217-234
Author(s):  
Alessandra Micalizzi ◽  
Alessandra Nieli
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
The Public ◽  
Show Evidence ◽  
Social Media Platforms ◽  
Five Star Movement ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Use Of Social Media

In 2009, a new political movement was born in Italy. It is called “Five Star Movement” (M5S) and it was positioned as a new voice of Italian people: alternative, populist, against élites, and against the traditional “way of doing” politic in the First and Second Republic Age. The power of this new political subject is linked with the use of social media platforms to communicate and share information, opinions, and positions with its “base” in a participative democracy perspective. In the last national political campaign, the M5S obtained 32% of the votes with a peak in the South of Italy. The chapter aims at presenting the main results of an empirical research focused on Sicilian voters of the East coast, in order to verify if and how digital communication helped in obtaining this success. Data show evidence about the relevance recognized to social media as first direct sources for collecting political information. The respondents express a large consent for traditional media that maintain in the public opinion a strong reputation in construction and share the public-sphere.

scholarly journals Candidati, eletti e temi del M5S in Toscana

2016 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-34
Author(s):  
Luca Pighini
Keyword(s):  
Media Coverage ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Electoral Campaign ◽  
Five Star Movement ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
The City

The 2015 Italian local elections strengthen significantly the presence of the Five Star Movement (M5S) in Tuscany with the entry of new faces into more than 150 council members, including the city of Livorno. Both nationally and locally, the fall of 2014 brought about internal disputes within the political movement, and were followed by the resignation of many Tuscan councilmen and the leaving of many activists. Despite contrasting definitions, the M5S successfully manages this internal unrest and elaborates its political offer for the regional elections. The article wishes to reconstruct this political offer in light of the 2015 regional elections in Tuscany. It specifically analyses the following: the process of selection, the background of candidates, the main issues of the electoral campaign and their results. What are the territories where the M5S was rooted the most? What are the profiles of the elected? What are their political stances? The methodological frame is based on materials collected from the movement's website, media coverage, public initiatives and face-to-face interviews with M5S candidates (elected and not).

Ideas and Leaders in Contentious Politics: One Parish Priest in El Salvador's Popular Movement

2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 76-101
Author(s):  
PETER M. SANCHEZ
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
Liberation Theology ◽  
Contentious Politics ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Parish Priest ◽  
Historical Moment ◽  
Resource Mobilisation ◽  
The Church

AbstractThis paper examines the actions of one Salvadorean priest – Padre David Rodríguez – in one parish – Tecoluca – to underscore the importance of religious leadership in the rise of El Salvador's contentious political movement that began in the early 1970s, when the guerrilla organisations were only just beginning to develop. Catholic leaders became engaged in promoting contentious politics, however, only after the Church had experienced an ideological conversion, commonly referred to as liberation theology. A focus on one priest, in one parish, allows for generalisation, since scores of priests, nuns and lay workers in El Salvador followed the same injustice frame and tactics that generated extensive political mobilisation throughout the country. While structural conditions, collective action and resource mobilisation are undoubtedly necessary, the case of religious leaders in El Salvador suggests that ideas and leadership are of vital importance for the rise of contentious politics at a particular historical moment.

‘Ill Used by our Government’: The Darien Venture, King William and the Development of Opposition Politics in Scotland, 1695–1701

2019 ◽  
Vol 98 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachael E. Comunale
Keyword(s):  
Crucial Role ◽  
New World ◽  
Significant Proportion ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Political Status ◽  
The Press ◽  
Public Consciousness ◽  
Political Factions

This article examines the development of political opposition in Scotland from 1695 to 1701 in the context of the Company of Scotland Trading to Africa and the Indies. It is argued that the potency of the political movement inspired by Darien derived from the view that King William was directly implicated in the failure of the colony. Three episodes in the Company's history—the loss of subscriptions in Hamburg, the appearance of memorials in the new world prohibiting English aid to the colony and the imprisonment of Darien sailors by the Spanish authorities—are examined in detail. The ramification of these controversies was increasingly seen as the result not of English interference, but rather the crown's refusal to act on behalf of the Company. Because a significant proportion of the population was invested in the Company, and because the press helped to keep Darien in the forefront of public consciousness, these issues transformed Darien into a major political grievance that united disparate political factions in support of a single cause. Although the alliance inspired by Darien was temporary, it, nonetheless, played a crucial role in disrupting the political status quo.

Main Forms of Propagandistic Activities of the Right-Wing Parties (1904–1914)

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 656-676
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Periodical Press ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
The 19Th Century

The article examines the main forms and methods of agitation and propagandistic activities of monarchic parties in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century. Among them the author singles out such ones as periodical press, publication of books, brochures and flyers, organization of manifestations, religious processions, public prayers and funeral services, sending deputations to the monarch, organization of public lectures and readings for the people, as well as various philanthropic events. Using various forms of propagandistic activities the monarchists aspired to embrace all social groups and classes of the population in order to organize all-class and all-estate political movement in support of the autocracy. While they gained certain success in promoting their ideology, the Rights, nevertheless, lost to their adversaries from the radical opposition camp, as the monarchists constrained by their conservative ideology, could not promise immediate social and political changes to the population, and that fact was excessively used by their opponents. Moreover, the ideological paradigm of the Right camp expressed in the “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality” formula no longer agreed with the social and economic realities of Russia due to modernization processes that were underway in the country from the middle of the 19th century.

The dilemmas of the Israeli reality and the choice of war

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 151
Author(s):  
Bashir Hadi Abdul Razak
Keyword(s):  
Negative Impact ◽  
Arab World ◽  
External Factors ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
World Today ◽  
The World ◽  
Arab Israeli Conflict ◽  
Internal And External Factors

The Arab-Israeli conflict is among the longest and most complex conflicts in the world today, a conflict that transcends borders or a difference of influence. It is a struggle for existence in every sense. Since the establishment of Israel in 1948, one of the regional forces whose political movement is determined by the Arab world has become the result of the internal and external factors and changes that affect it. This entity is hostile to the Arabs, Which would have a negative impact on the regional strategic situation.

Applying Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Framework in the Establishment of Law No.13 of 2012 Concerning the Privilege of Yogyakarta Special Region

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Bastian Widyatama
Keyword(s):  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Dominant Factor ◽  
Policy Entrepreneur ◽  
Multiple Streams ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Social Phenomena ◽  
Data Collection Process ◽  
Multiple Streams Framework ◽  
Political Approach ◽  
Special Region

Kingdon’s Multiple Streams, a framework to analyze agenda-setting process is widely considered as a ‘universal’ theoretical framework because of its flexibility to be applied. Therefore, it is necessary to investigate the validity of this ‘universal’ term. By using the case of the establishment of Law No.13 of 2012 concerning the Privilege of Yogyakarta Special Region, this research aims to apply and examine the Kingdon’s framework. The research has been done by using the qualitative method. Interviewing key persons and interpreting written documents are main techniques in data collection process. As the result, this framework remains applicable in the Yogyakarta case. There are 3 factors that brought Yogyakarta issues into the central government’s agenda encompass problem, policy, and politics. Politics is the most dominant factor indicated by Yogyakartans strong political movement and Sultanate of Yogyakarta’s political approach. In addition, Sultanate of Yogyakarta can also be discussed as a policy entrepreneur. As the conclusion, this research has a significant contribution to Kingdon’s multiple streams framework which is still able to explain social phenomena in policy making studies although there are some concerns that need to be explored further, particularly regarding the role of media and policy entrepreneur. Keywords: Agenda setting, policy, Law No.13 of 2012, Sultanate of Yogyakarta

Наследие популяров в политике Августа (по Res Gestae Divi Augusti)

2017 ◽  
pp. 226-291
Author(s):  
O.V. Liubimova
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Modus Operandi ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Public Building ◽  
The Public ◽  
Roman People

On the basis of The Deeds of Divine Augustus or Res Gestae Divi Augusti (RGDA), the author analyses the significance of the legacy of populares, one of the main political movements in the Late Republic, in the politics of Emperor Augustus. The main features of this political movement, in the opinion of modern researchers, were their demagogic political style, their assertion of the sovereignty of Roman people and their protection of economic interests of the lower classes. In the RGDA there is no mention of the odious political methods of the populares that entailed conflicts and unrest but the text significantly dwells on the tribunician power granted to Augustus. In the Late Republic the tribunician power served as the basis of the populares political method. The ideology reflected in the RGDA entrusts the Roman people with an important role in the public administration and describes the Roman people as a fullfledged partner of the Senate, however it lacks the populares contraposition of the Roman people to the Senate (or to the oligarchy controlling the Senate). The populares legacy is particularly apparent in the RGDA chapters describing Augustus expenses in favor of the Roman people such as the organisation of various social measures, shows and public building. Augustus inherited from the populares of the Late Republic the idea of Roman plebs as a source of political power and of satisfaction of its interest as a mechanism of maintaining political stability, but discarded those of populares slogans and methods that had a conflict potential.На материале Деяний Божественного Августа (Res Gestae Divi Augusti) рассматривается вопрос о том, какое место занимало в политике Августа наследие популяров одного из двух основных политических течений Поздней республики. В качестве характерных черт этого движения исследователи выделяют демагогический политический стиль приверженность идеологии народного суверенитета защиту экономических интересов неимущих слоёв. В RGDA не упоминаются одиозные политические методы популяров, которые влекли за собой конфликты и беспорядки, но важное место занимает предоставленная Августу трибунская власть, которая в Республике служила основой популярского Modus Operandi. Идеология, выраженная в RGDA, отводит римскому народу важное место в управлении государством и представляет его равноправным партнёром сената однако в ней отсутствует характерное для популяров противопоставление народа сенату (или олигархии, контролирующей сенат). Наиболее очевидно наследие популяров в тех главах RGDA, где описываются расходы Августа в пользу римского народа: социальные мероприятия, организация зрелищ и строительство. Август заимствовал у позднереспубликанских популяров представление о том, что римский плебс может служить источником политической силы, и удовлетворение его интересов необходимо для поддержания политической стабильности, однако исключил из своего арсенала те политические лозунги и методы популяров, которые имели конфликтный потенциал.

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