scholarly journals Candidati, eletti e temi del M5S in Toscana

2016 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-34
Author(s):  
Luca Pighini

The 2015 Italian local elections strengthen significantly the presence of the Five Star Movement (M5S) in Tuscany with the entry of new faces into more than 150 council members, including the city of Livorno. Both nationally and locally, the fall of 2014 brought about internal disputes within the political movement, and were followed by the resignation of many Tuscan councilmen and the leaving of many activists. Despite contrasting definitions, the M5S successfully manages this internal unrest and elaborates its political offer for the regional elections. The article wishes to reconstruct this political offer in light of the 2015 regional elections in Tuscany. It specifically analyses the following: the process of selection, the background of candidates, the main issues of the electoral campaign and their results. What are the territories where the M5S was rooted the most? What are the profiles of the elected? What are their political stances? The methodological frame is based on materials collected from the movement's website, media coverage, public initiatives and face-to-face interviews with M5S candidates (elected and not).

First Monday ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Bustos Díaz ◽  
Francisco Javier Ruiz del Olmo ◽  
Miguel Nazario Moreno Velasco

The regional elections in Catalonia held on 21 December 2017 received wide media coverage, far beyond Spanish media, due to separatist tension in that territory and was one of the main topics in most of the world’s media. Within this process social networks, especially Twitter, obtained crucial relevance given the interest aroused by the political leaders’ publications, since in those elections the debate transcended the usual ideological divisions of right and left and became a struggle between constitutionalists and separatists. This paper analyses the presence and influence of the main candidates of the Catalan political parties on Twitter. To achieve this, a mainly quantitative, mixed methodology based on big data was carried out where all the tweets issued by the candidates during the electoral campaign were analysed.


2015 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-28
Author(s):  
Maurizio Ribechini

The local elections that were held in spring 2014 led to the renewal of the Municipal Councils and Mayors of over 4,000 Italian cities. The electoral results were hardly predictable by the political analysts. This is particularly true in the case of the Tuscan town of Livorno, where for the first time in history, the centre-left coalition had lost the political leadership of the city, after having governed for almost seventy years after the end of the World War II. In Livorno the mayoral candidate of the Democratic Party has been defeated after the second round by the candidate of the Five Star Movement. This article tries to shed lights on the reasons behind this political change. More specifically, the article looks at the electoral results of 2014, 2009 and 2004; moreover, it is based on interviews to politicians and observers. Finally, the article tries to provide some conclusive remarks.  


2020 ◽  
pp. 73-95
Author(s):  
Noelle Molé Liston

This chapter scrutinizes the political career of comedian-cum-politician Beppe Grillo, who founded the Five Star Movement, an algorithm party that currently co-rules Italy. It explores how Italy shifted from the glossy prepackaged world of Silvio Berlusconi toward a grassroots, Internet-driven, and algorithmic political movement. It also describes the Five Star Movement as a protest movement on populism, antipolitics, and anarchism. The chapter discusses Grillo's deployment of supernatural humor and political suspicion, as well as his otherworldly humor and cynical hypotheses that speak to brewing cultural and economic anxieties. It refers to Grillo's theories that offer citizens a scapegoat or an alternative explanation for Italy's socioeconomic crises and the labor of the supernatural.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-50
Author(s):  
Sarbani Sharma

While much has been said about the historicity of the Kashmir conflict or about how individuals and communities have resisted occupation and demanded the right to self-determination, much less has been said about nature of everyday life under these conditions. This article offers a glimpse of life in the working-class neighbourhood of Maisuma, located in the central area of the city of Srinagar, and its engagement with the political movement for azadi (freedom). I argue that the predicament of ‘double interminability’ characterises life in Maisuma—the interminable violence by the state on the one hand and simultaneously the constant call of labouring for azadi by the movement on the other, since the terms of peace are unacceptable.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Desriadi Desriadi

Abstract Individual candidacy in local elections is expected to produce more aspirational, qualified, and strongly committed regional leaders. Individual candidates in the Regional Head Election are also an alternative to accommodate the human rights of every Indonesian Citizen who does not run through a political party. The existence of individual candidates will surely break the partitocracy (political party dominated democracy) and the oligarchy of political parties so that the aspirations of the bottom get a place in the political process. With the allowance of individual candidates, it will enable the birth of candidates from the public who are considered more qualified public than just a figure who carried a handful of political party elites. On the other hand, the increased support of the people towards the existence of individual candidates should be seen as an effort to increase people's political participation in the regional head elections and the implementation of more accommodative and democratic regional elections. Up to now it should be recognized that the nomination of regional head is dominated by political parties. The absence of a transparent and democratic recruitment system led to this process being influenced more by political party elites and political brokers. The position of the political party becomes very central because all candidates must pass there and of course a candidate will not get the ticket of the political party for free. With the regulation allowing individual candidates will directly push the process of internal democratization of political parties to be more selective and democratic in determining the candidates. The type of research conducted is descriptive qualitative research, namely research conducted describes the situation of elections of regional heads. The analysis conducted in this research is qualitative analysis by drawing deductive conclusions that is drawing conclusions from things that are general to things that are special. Keywords: pemilukada, regional autonomy Abstrak Pencalonan perseorangan dalam pemilihan kepala daerah diharapkan menghasilkan pemimpin daerah yang lebih aspiratif, berkualitas, dan berkomitmen kuat menyejahterakan rakyat. Calon perseorangan dalam Pilkada juga sebagai alternatif untuk mengakomodasi Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) politik setiap Warga Negara Indonesia (WNI) yang tidak mencalonkan diri melalui partai politik. Adanya calon perseorangan tentunya akan mendobrak partitokrasi (demokrasi yang didominasi partai politik) dan oligarki partai politik agar aspirasi dari bawah mendapatkan tempat dalam proses politik. Dengan diperkenankannya calon perseorangan, maka akan memungkinkan lahirnya calon dari masyarakat yang dianggap publik lebih berkualitas daripada sekedar figur yang diusung segelintir elit partai politik. Di sisi lain, meningkatnya dukungan rakyat terhadap keberadaan calon perseorangan harus dilihat sebagai upaya meningkatkan partisipasi politik rakyat dalam pemilihan kepala daerah dan terselenggaranya pemilihan kepala daerah yang lebih akomodatif dan demokratis. Hingga kini harus diakui pencalonan kepala daerah lebih banyak didominasi partai politik. Tidak adanya sistem rekuitmen yang transparan dan demokratis menyebabkan proses ini lebih banyak dipengaruhi oleh elit partai politik dan para broker politik. Posisi partai politik menjadi sangat sentral karena semua calon harus lewat sana dan tentunya seorang calon tak akan memperoleh tiket partai politik tersebut dengan gratis. Dengan adanya regulasi yang memperkenankan calon perseorangan secara langsung akan mendorong proses demokratisasi internal partai politik untuk lebih selektif dan demokratis dalam menentukan calon-calonnya. Jenis Penelitian yang dilakukan adalah penelitian deskriptif kualitatif, yaitu penelitian yang dilakukan menggambarkan situasi pemilihan kepala daerah. Analisis yang dilakukan dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis kualitatif dengan menarik kesimpulan secara deduktif yaitu menarik kesimpulan dari hal-hal yang bersifat umum kepada hal-hal yang bersifat khusus. Kata Kunci : pemilukada, otonomi daerah


2020 ◽  
pp. 61-96
Author(s):  
Laurens E. Tacoma

This chapter analyses the second characteristic of Roman political culture: it was structured by a specific form of patronage that was both pervasive, encapsulating wide sections of the population in its network, but also weak, in the sense that ties could shift relatively easily. How it structured unstable hierarchical networks can be seen in the local elections that were held in Pompeii. The campaigns for these elections can be analysed thanks to the survival of the programmata, election notices that were painted on the walls of the houses of the city. At an abstract level, these local elections produced a totalizing discourse. They made the implicit claim that the political system mattered immensely and that there were no alternative routes to articulate social success. This claim pertained primarily to those people who aspired to be members of the elite: they were supposed to stand for office and have their elite status formally demarcated by membership of a political institution. But its reach also extended further: it tied the whole community to the political system, fostering a notion of universal participation. The question then becomes one of how such a system functioned. Along what lines was the population mobilized? How did elite competition work? It is argued that both groups were captured in expectations of each other’s behaviour that were structured by patronage relations, but again, some leeway was left to them. Participation was universal and competition was fierce, but both were at the same time subject to clear constraints.


Author(s):  
Ahmad Yamin

Bureaucracy is an important instrument in the country as a bridge between people and government. However, the strength of the role and function of bureaucracy often makes the rulers abusing bureaucracy for political ends, especially the perpetuation of power. The era of regional autonomy with direct regional head elections made the head of the region have the right to determine its bureaucratic officials in the region. Later, officials of the bureaucracy are also likely to be used for award of the tool in the context of general elections that followed for the next period. It is expressed as the politicization of the bureaucracy for winning the local elections. The local elections in Medan city became one example of the phenomenon of the politicization of the bureaucracy. Harahap Rahudman victory at the General Election of Medan in 2010 to form the politicization of the bureaucracy that causes power can be continued in the next period. This happens because the positions of the existing bureaucracy have intervened before to follow the will of the political authorities in the city of Medan. Own bureaucratic officials follow the will of the Mayor of Medan and keep the position or position in government institutions. The phenomenon of the politicization of the bureaucracy will give rise to a negative meaning of the bureaucracy which initially should be the government’s tool to serve the people and also lead to disruption of the bureaucratic model that should be professional (merit).


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dinyar Patel

Between 17 and 20 November 1921, Bombay was convulsed by the Prince of Wales Riots, which coincided with the arrival of the future King Edward VIII in the city. The riots constituted an extremely important moment in the Non-Cooperation Movement, the political transformation of Bombay and the development of M.K. Gandhi’s political thought. Additionally, the riots upturned familiar notions of communalism: angry at repeated violations of a hartal Gandhi declared for the day of the Prince’s arrival, Muslim and Hindu supporters of the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat movements joined together to attack supposedly loyalist minorities, especially Parsis. Herein lay the riots’ broader significance. During the Non-Cooperation Movement, Gandhi had been keen to recruit the active support of the Parsi community. He was well aware of their financial and political clout and their leadership roles in liberal nationalist circles. Most Parsis, however, expressed strong reservations about Gandhi’s tactics, believing that a mass political movement under the banner of ‘Hindu–Muslim unity’ would be injurious to smaller minority communities. The riots, therefore, confirmed Parsis’ worst fears about Gandhi’s politics and their majoritarian implications. Gandhi, for his part, worked tirelessly to repair his relationships with the Parsis and reassure them of the Congress’ commitments towards minority rights. He reconsidered how smaller communities fit into India’s communal dynamics. By December 1921, Gandhi even unfurled a new slogan that was used towards the end of the Non-Cooperation Movement: ‘Hindu–Muslim–Sikh–Parsi–Christian–Jew unity’.


Author(s):  
Ilham Firdaus ◽  
Asmawi Asmawi ◽  
Asrinaldi Asrinaldi

This research describes and analyzes the communication model carried out in the implementation of the process of disseminating the election of the Regional Head (Pilkada) of the City of Padang in 2018 in order to increase voter participation. This study uses the concept of excellence theory according to Grunig and Hunt, were in increasing voter participation in regional elections can be seen from various models, namely first: the press agentry model Second: public information Third: two way asymmetric and fourth: two way symmetric. This research uses the post-positivism research paradigm with qualitative methods and the type of case study approach. The process of data collection is done through interviews and documentation. The results showed that election dissemination carried out by one-way method, media, and face-to-face with emphasis on dialogue as a model of communication conducted turned out to be able to deliver messages to the effect to the community. Therefore, the message of the election delivered uses a cultural approach that was built by prioritizing face-to-face and media as an effort to increase community participation in regional elections.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-24
Author(s):  
Iman Pasu Purba ◽  
Alifia Widianti ◽  
Irma Lianna

The state must be responsible for fulfilling the political rights of every citizen. Political rights are one of the human rights that cannot be reduced by the state. Even though Indonesia is currently experiencing the Covid 19 Pandemic, the Government decided to hold simultaneous local elections due to various considerations. As for some of these considerations is the need for legal certainty of the election of new public officials because the previous period is up, the Covid 19 pandemic is not known when it will end, the strategic policies of the government must still be taken and implemented, and the main thing is to fulfill the political rights of Indonesian citizens who are a democracy based on the law. Therefore, it is considered necessary to explore how the country fulfills the political rights of the citizens of Surabaya during the Pandemic at the Simultaneously Regional Head Elections 2020. This study is conducted with empirical normative where researchers will examine every rule relevant to this theme and empirically review the implementation of government rules and policies in the fulfillment of people's political rights at the 2020 Regional Elections and the obstacles faced in the fulfillment process.


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