АМЕРИКАНСКОЕПУТЕШЕСТВИЕВРУССКУЮРЕВОЛЮЦИЮ:ОБРАЗЫИМИФЫ(19051917ГГ.)

2019 ◽  
pp. 140-175
Author(s):  
V.I. Zhuravleva

This article examines images of the Russian revolution in American representations from 1905 until 1917 on the base of socialconstructivist paradigm to the study of international relations and appeals to the conceptual pair the American Self the Russian Other . As it watched the Russian revolution unfold, the American society lived through its first and second cycles of hopes (concerning the prospects of Russias revolution) and disappointments (with its results) as a consequences Russia became the object of the US worldreforming mission. This article is structured in such a manner as to follow these cycles through the analysis of primary and secondary sources with special ascents on political cartoons and travelogues. As author demonstrated, on the stage of hopes prevailed the Liberaluniversalist myth about the Russian Revolution, on the stage of disappointments the Conservativepessimist one. The former included the faith in the capacity of the Russian people to carry out a Westernstyle revolution under leadership of the Russian liberals and to create the United States of Russia , the conviction that the Russian society was democratic by nature and oppressed by a retrograde and xenophobic government, and the belief that Russias historic destiny was to follow the trail blazed by the Western countries, with the US in the lead. The Conservativepessimist myth portrayed the Russianstyle revolution (invariable circular movement, bypassing freedom and moving right into dictatorship) and Russia as a country forever kept behind by its nonWestern traditions and culture, linked the authoritarian nature of its political system to the peculiarities of its national character. At the same time, representatives from various currents of American radicalism, Socialist or not, constructed the Radical myth and their own ideological identities as they reflected upon the Russian revolution. They saw its importance in the uniqueness of the social message it was sending to the entire humanity, and not in a movement for the creation of the United States of Russia . The Revolution of 1905 1907 and both revolutions of 1917 turned the dilemma of Russian progress into the subject of American sociopolitical discourse and became the culmination of Americas first and second crusades for the creation of a democratic Russia. The fixation of the demonic and the romantic images of Russias revolution in American public conscience made a significant contribution to the shaping of American national identity. Americans invented these mental images on the basis of their ideology of progress and expansion, their own vision of ideal political and social arrangements, true revolution, the place of the US in the world, and its role in the process of its democratization and harmonization.В данной статье рассматриваются образы русской революции в американских представлениях с 1905 по 1917 гг. на основе социальноконструктивистской парадигмы к изучению международных отношений и обращения к концептуальной паре американское Я русский другой . Наблюдая за развитием русской революции, американское общество переживало свой первый и второй циклы надежд (относительно перспектив российской революции) и разочарований (с ее результатами) в результате Россия стала объектом миссии США по реформированию мира. Данная статья построена таким образом, чтобы проследить эти циклы через анализ первичных и вторичных источников с особыми восхождениями на политические карикатуры и травелоги. Как показал автор, на стадии надежд преобладал Либеральноуниверсалистский миф о русской революции, на стадии разочарований консервативнопессимистический. Первая включала веру в способность русского народа осуществить революцию западного типа под руководством российских либералов и создать Соединенные Штаты России, убежденность в том, что российское общество было демократическим по своей природе и угнеталось ретроградным и ксенофобным правительством, и веру в то, что историческая судьба России должна была следовать по следу, проложенному западными странами, с США во главе. Консервативнопессимистический миф изображал русскую революцию (неизменное круговое движение, обход свободы и переход прямо в диктатуру) и Россию как страну, навсегда отстающую от своих незападных традиций и культуры, связывал авторитарный характер своей политической системы с особенностями ее национального характера. В то же время представители различных течений американского радикализма, социалистического или нет, конструировали радикальный миф и свои собственные идеологические идентичности, размышляя о русской революции. Они видели ее важность в уникальности социального послания, которое она посылала всему человечеству, а не в движении за создание Соединенных Штатов России . Революция 19051907 годов и обе революции 1917 года превратили дилемму русского прогресса в предмет американского общественнополитического дискурса и стали кульминацией первого и второго крестовых походов Америки за создание демократической России. Фиксация демонических и романтических образов русской революции в американском общественном сознании внесла значительный вклад в формирование американской национальной идентичности. Американцы придумали эти ментальные образы на основе своей идеологии прогресса и экспансии, собственного видения идеального политического и социального устройства, истинной революции, места США в мире и своей роли в процессе его демократизации и гармонизации.

Author(s):  
Gilles Duruflé ◽  
Thomas Hellmann ◽  
Karen Wilson

This chapter examines the challenge for entrepreneurial companies of going beyond the start-up phase and growing into large successful companies. We examine the long-term financing of these so-called scale-up companies, focusing on the United States, Europe, and Canada. The chapter first provides a conceptual framework for understanding the challenges of financing scale-ups. It emphasizes the need for investors with deep pockets, for smart money, for investor networks, and for patient money. It then shows some data about the various aspects of financing scale-ups in the United States, Europe, and Canada, showing how Europe and Canada are lagging behind the US relatively more at the scale-up than the start-up stage. Finally, the chapter raises the question of long-term public policies for supporting the creation of a better scale-up environment.


Perceptions ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Julius Nathan Fortaleza Klinger

The purpose of this paper is to explore the question of whether or not early nineteenth-century lawmakers saw the Missouri Compromise of 1820 as a true solution to the question of slavery in the United States, or if it was simply a stopgap solution. The information used to conduct this research paper comes in the form of a collation of primary and secondary sources. My findings indicate that the debate over Missouri's statehood was in fact about slavery in the US, and that the underlying causes of the Civil War were already quite prevalent four whole decades before the conflict broke out.


Significance At the same time as pursuing peace talks with the Afghan government, the Taliban are using calibrated armed force to push the United States into withdrawing all its troops. In an incontrovertible breach of their agreement with Washington, the insurgents launched their largest military offensive in years in October. As though this were not happening, President Donald Trump ordered the US force in Afghanistan to be reduced to 2,500 by the end of his term. Impacts NATO and other coalition allies in Afghanistan will mirror the US exit with proportionate troop drawdowns. Opposition to talks is hardening in Kabul as sceptics claim the Taliban are acting in bad faith. Reverses suffered by the Afghan security forces will focus debate on whether they can cope once US forces leave. The Afghan president is accelerating the creation of the 'Territorial Army', recruited from the militias of former warlords.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 63-70
Author(s):  
MAHMOUD AHMAD RABAYA FUAD ◽  

The urgency of the issue is determined by the disregard of the international community, especially the United States and its allies, of the will of the Palestinian people to create their own state. The article is devoted to the problem of creating a sovereign Palestinian state. Palestine currently remains a hostage of intermediary States, especially the United States, which does not allow direct negotiations with Israel on the return of the occupied territories, the solution of the refugee issue, the regulation of the status of Jerusalem, and other problems. The Palestinian authority does not have state sovereignty as an integral state entity. The author, after analyzing various projects on the settlement of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, comes to a disappointing conclusion that it is impossible to achieve the goal of creating a Palestinian state through the assistance of the international community, primarily the United States and the European Union. Due to the current circumstances, it is not possible to hold direct Palestinian-Israeli negotiations. As a conclusion, it is noted that the us monopoly influence on the negotiation process is not productive. To solve this problem, we need a wider range of intermediaries, including international organizations, global and regional actors. Success is possible if the leadership of Israel is inclined to compromise, agreement is reached in Israeli society on the creation of a Palestinian state, and internal contradictions are overcome in the Palestinian society, first of all, the intra-elite split, which further pushes the prospect of the creation of a state of Palestine. The work is based on General scientific research methods and works of Russian and foreign researchers. Empirical data are taken from open sources.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
David M McCourt

Abstract Optimism about China's rise has in recent years given way to deep concern in the United States, Australia and the United Kingdom. Drawing on an original set of interviews with China experts from each country, and an array of primary and secondary sources, I show that shifting framings of China's rise reflect the dynamics of the US, Australian and UK national security fields. The article highlights three features specifically: first, the US field features a belief that China's rise can be arrested or prevented, absent in Australia and the UK. I root this dynamic in the system of professional appointments and the intense US ‘marketplace of ideas’, which gives rise to intense framing contestation and occasional sharp frame change. I then identify the key positions produced by each field, from which key actors have shaped the differing interpretations of China and its meaning. The election of Donald Trump, a strong China-critic, to the US presidency empowered key individuals across government who shifted the predominant framing of China from potential challenger to current threat. The smaller and more centralized fields in Australia and Britain feature fewer and less intense China-sceptical voices; responses have thereby remained largely pragmatic, despite worsening diplomatic relations in each case.


Author(s):  
Martin Rupiya

Foreign policy is embodied in the pursuit of national interests by States in their interaction with other countries. The attainment of Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress (ANC) led majority rule statehood and its relationship with the midwife, the United States, provides us with one of the most complex case study examined between the late 1980s until the present. At the end of the Cold War, a period which coincided with the decolonisation of several countries in Southern Africa including Namibia and South Africa, following mediation by the US, Assistant Secretary of State for Africa Affairs, Chester Crocker United States, predicted on its new found relationship with the then United Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) and its presence in Angola, informed the decolonization of the sub-regional in which the US targeted South Africa’s apartheid regime towards abandoning its military destabilisation activities and providing security guarantees to the white minority community under the new African majority regime.The result was the withdrawal of Cuban forces in Angola, Namibia independence and finally, the ANC led by the long imprisoned Nelson Mandela at the head of the first coalition government. Consequently, this immediate post-independence arrangement constrained the freedom of action of the ANC during its first term in power. In the subsequent era, the evidence reveals tension and clashes of interests between Washington and Pretoria manifest in at least three areas: creating an African coalition during 2006 against US policy preferences such as the deployment of Africa Command (AFRICOM) on the continent; the 2010 entering into an international political economy of BRICS against Washington’s global dominance and finally, the 2011 coalition attempts under the auspices of the African Union (AU) challenge towards Western intervention in Libya and the deposition of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi on 23 October 2011.Based on secondary sources, newspaper, academic thesis and other official reports this article examines the tensions that developed between Washington and Tshwane/Pretoria over their intentions over Africa. This assesses three areas of foreign policy relationships depicting: contestation, belligerence and finally belated confrontation.These phases begin with the 2006 US intention to locate AFRICOM in Africa, a development openly opposed by President Thabo Mbeki through the AU. This is followed by South Africa joining the global economic competitors made up of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) at the invitation by China. This competitive relationship not only challenged the existing World Bank and IMF dominance but created an entry point for China in Africa. Finally, the article examines the US policy on Libya of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi in 2011 after adopting UN Resolution 1973 in a subsequent development that went against the AU and South Africa, culminating in the capture and assassination of Gaddaffi on 23 October 2011. Conclusively, the US-South Africa relationship over Africa has been characterised by phases of belligerence, collegial neutrality and uncooperative behaviour.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-302
Author(s):  
Roli Varma

Abstract Foreign-born scientists and engineers are increasingly present in technology companies in the United States. Some of them are immigrants, that is, aliens admitted to the US for lawful permanent residence; others are non-immigrants, that is, aliens admitted to the US for a specific period of time for temporary work. Whether immigrant or non-immigrant, an overwhelming majority of foreign-born scientists and engineers enter the US technology sector through one single H-1B visa program. Using a case study of Indian engineers, this article shows different sub-paths of the H-1B visa program, which leads to significant differences in their immigration, work, and socio-economic experiences. The article is based on the secondary sources and 40 in-depth interviews conducted with Indian engineers working in US technology companies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (02) ◽  
pp. 114-118
Author(s):  
Natalia Antonova ◽  
Valery Grebennikov ◽  
Tatjana Ilina ◽  
Victoria Kalinovskaya ◽  
Daniel Petrosyants

The article examines the history of the creation and development of the Attorney Service in the United States, which has no analogues in other states, but due to its functions in criminal prosecution, it is often referred to the prosecutor’s office. The article deals with the organization and activities of prosecutorial supervision in the United States. The authors analyze the functions of the institution of the prosecutor’s office in the state, highlight the stages of activity and investigate the problematic aspects of the work of the prosecutor’s office. As a result of the analysis, the conceptual historical features of the US Prosecutor’s Office were determined.


Author(s):  
Paul Schor

This chapter discusses the creation of the federal census. The US census was created to put into operation the system of checks and balances. It attributed to each state through apportionment, a number of representatives in proportion to its population as well as a level of tax contribution, while the Three-Fifths Compromise required that slaves be counted as less than free people. The first US census took place in 1790, framed by a law passed by Congress, the First Census Act. This law inaugurated a tradition that continued up to the census of 1930: the list, the order, and the text of the questions on the schedules followed the text of the law, which meant that Congress played a central role in the preparation of the census. It added to the distinction of status (free or slave) a distinction of color to distinguish free blacks from whites.


Author(s):  
José G. Vargas-Hernández ◽  
Jovanna Nathalie Cervantes-Guzmán ◽  
Guillermo Vázquez-Ávila

The organizational culture at the nation level is integrated by values, attitudes, workforce, loyalty, interpersonal relationships, etc. of its members. In the present investigation, the key to the business success of Mexico and the United States taking into consideration an element of analysis for its achievement is explained, making a comparison between both countries. There is a national culture with greater impact on organizations in the US than in Mexico. The methodology used was qualitative, exploratory, descriptive, and comparative. This research shows that the national culture affects the ways of acting of the members of the companies. The study was qualitative using only secondary sources for the investigation.


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