The economic value of beach nourishment in South Carolina

Shore & Beach ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 3-12
Author(s):  
James Houston

Tourism has become increasingly important in South Carolina’s economy, particularly beach tourism that accounts for two-thirds of tourist spending. Maintaining beaches is a requirement for a successful beach tourism industry. In the past 30 years, about 1.7 million yd3 of sand has been placed annually on South Carolina beaches. The annual cost has been $20.2 million in 2019 dollars or $13.9 million (2019 dollars) if federal mitigation and emergency sand placements are not included because their purpose was not in support of tourism. Beach nourishment has been very successful in combating shoreline recession. From 1984-1987 through 2006, South Carolina shorelines that were not nourished receded 101 ft on average, and shorelines that were nourished advanced 110 ft on average — and tourism boomed. South Carolina beach tourists generate $16.6 billion annually in South Carolina economic development and about $1.8 billion in taxes. For each $1 spent on beach nourishment, South Carolina receives over $1,200 in economic development generated by beach tourists and federal, state, and local governments receive almost $130 in taxes. Beach tourists have options, and with the state government spending only $3.1 million annually on beach nourishment versus the Florida state government spending $50 million on Florida beaches, South Carolina must be careful to maintain its beaches to continue attracting tourists at record levels.

2010 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
John R. Lombard ◽  
John C. Morris

This essay discusses the evolution of cross-border cooperation in local and state government in the contentious and competitive arena of economic development. Drawing on literatures from economic development and public administration, the authors highlight current issues and conflicts in cross-border cooperation drawing on several cases of successful ventures. In particular, they suggest that state and local governments adopt a new frame for understanding and evaluating cross-border cooperation as economic development “coopertition.” The logic of coopertition in economic development is that while a particular unit of government may not secure a specific economic development project, the odds of securing any project are increased if that government becomes more competitive by cooperating with other governments. Coopertition is thus the result of a need to cooperate to be more competitive.


Author(s):  
Cindy G. Roper

While there are both successes and challenges related to the use of interstate water compacts, in their most effective forms they allow states to take a comprehensive, holistic approach to water management. Successful compacts tend to encompass the natural hydrologic boundaries of the water basin. They are more likely to utilize a commission type governance structure with sufficient authority to carry out the mission and goals of the compacting agreement. Successful compacts are flexible and allow for future developments (including climate change) while being cognizant of the need to protect and enhance the environment. They are also sensitive to the needs and desires of various stakeholders, including federal, state, and local governments as well as non-governmental organizations. Water compacts also face a variety of challenges. They must answer to a wide and diverse constituent base, often with conflicting interests. Stronger states can and do attempt to “bully” other states, severely limiting or eliminating altogether the usefulness of the compact. Governance structures that fail to integrate the interests of all states into a single body simply make the compact into an arena where small scale water wars can be fought. To illustrate an area where interstate water compacts could make a significant contribution, this paper concludes with a case study highlighting South Carolina’s transboundary water issues with North Carolina and Georgia. Recommendations for South Carolina include beginning negotiations toward the development of federal-interstate compacts as well as considering action in the Supreme Court in the event that these negotiations fail.


Author(s):  
Rosina Lozano

Treaty citizens became invested in a U.S. political system where the federal, state, and local governments initially catered to them in their preferred language, Spanish. This chapter briefly traces the arc of Spanish as a language of citizenship. States and territories had the power to determine the parameters of individuals participating in elections, in courts, as jurors, and by officials in federal and state government positions. California, Colorado, and Arizona’s concessions to Spanish as a language of participation for citizenship began with official recognition, but never became fully bilingual regions. New Mexico, on the other hand, used Spanish as an important part of the electoral process and the courts. Treaty citizens in New Mexico became invested in the territory's elected and appointed positions. The political power meant Spanish had a centralrole in territorial politics. Treaty citizens participated and engaged in a U.S. political system in Spanish in elections, in the courts, and in juries, which forces a reassessment of American citizenship in the last half of the 19th century.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147821032110343
Author(s):  
Eunju Kang

Instead of asking whether money matters, this paper questions whose money matters in public education. Previous literature on education funding uses an aggregate expenditure per pupil to measure the relationship between education funding and academic performance. Federalism creates mainly three levels of funding sources: federal, state, and local governments. Examining New York State school districts, most equitably funded across school districts among the 50 states, this paper shows that neither federal nor state funds are positively correlated with graduation rates. Only local revenues for school districts indicate a strong positive impact. Parents’ money matters. This finding contributes to a contentious discourse on education funding policy in the governments, courts, and academia with respect to education funding and inequality in American public schools.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Megan Skillman ◽  
Caitlin Cross-Barnet ◽  
Rachel Friedman Singer ◽  
Christina Rotondo ◽  
Sarah Ruiz ◽  
...  

As federal, state, and local governments continue to test innovative approaches to health care delivery, the ability to produce timely and reliable evidence of what works and why it works is crucial. There is limited literature on methodological approaches to rapid-cycle qualitative research. The purpose of this article is to describe the advantages and limitations of a broadly applicable framework for in-depth qualitative analysis placed within a larger rapid-cycle, multisite, mixed-method evaluation. This evaluation included multiple cycles of primary qualitative data collection and quarterly and annual reporting. Several strategies allowed us to be adaptable while remaining rigorous; these included planning for multiple waves of qualitative coding, a hybrid inductive/deductive approach informed by a cross-program evaluation framework, and use of a large team with specific program expertise. Lessons from this evaluation can inform researchers and evaluators functioning in rapid assessment or rapid-cycle evaluation contexts.


Government increasingly relies on nonprofit organizations to deliver public services, especially for human services. As such, human service nonprofits receive a substantial amount of revenue from government agencies via grants and contracts. Yet, times of crises result in greater demand for services, but often with fewer financial resources. As governments and nonprofits are tasked to do more with less, how does diversification within the government funding stream influence government-nonprofit funding relationships? More specifically, we ask: How do the number of different government partners and the type of government funder—federal, state, or local—influence whether nonprofits face alterations to government funding agreements? Drawing upon data from over 2,000 human service nonprofits in the United States, following the Great Recession, we find nonprofit organizations that only received funds from the federal government were less likely to experience funding alterations. This helps to illustrate the economic impact of the recession on state and local governments as well as the nonprofit organizations that partner with them.


2019 ◽  
pp. 184-208
Author(s):  
David M. Struthers

This chapter examines the World War One period in which the federal, state, and local governments in the United States, in addition to non-state actors, created one of the most severe eras of political repression in United States history. The Espionage Act, the Sedition Act, changes to immigration law at the federal level, and state criminal syndicalism laws served as the legal basis for repression. The Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM), Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), and other anarchists took different paths in this era. Some faced lengthy prison sentences, some went underground, while others crossed international borders to flee repression and continue organizing. This chapter examines the repression of radical movements and organizing continuities that sustained the movement into the 1920s.


Author(s):  
Benjamin Ginsberg

Many Academics Who are troubled by the growing power of administrators on their campuses believe that their jobs are protected by tenure and their campus activities by academic freedom. Hence, they believe that they, personally, have little to fear from the advent of the all-administrative university. Yet, these unworried professors might do well to fret just a bit. Tenure does not provide absolute protection, and at any rate only about 30 percent of the current professorate is tenured or even on the tenure track. The remaining 70 percent are hired on a contingent basis and can be dismissed at any time. The question of academic freedom is more complex and more dispiriting. In recent years, the federal courts have decided that deanlets, not professors, are entitled to academic freedom. This proposition may be surprising to academics, who, usually without giving the matter much thought, believe they possess a special freedom derived from the German concept of Lehrfreiheit, which they think protects their freedom to teach, to express opinions, and to engage in scholarly inquiry without interference from university administrators or government officials. It certainly seems reasonable to think that professors should possess Lehrfreiheit. Academics play an important part in the production, dissemination, and evaluation of ideas, and a free and dynamic society depends on a steady flow of new ideas in the sciences, politics, and the arts. The late Chief Justice Earl Warren once opined that American society would “stagnate and die” if scholars were not free to inquire, study, and evaluate. Accordingly, he said, academic freedom “is of transcendent value to all of us and not merely to the teachers concerned.” Despite Chief Justice Warren’s endorsement, professors’ ideas and utterances do not have any special constitutional status. Like other Americans, professors have free speech rights under the First Amendment. In a number of cases decided during the 1950s and 1960s, the Supreme Court made it clear that the First Amendment offered professors considerable protection from the efforts of federal, state, and local governments to intrude on their freedom of speech and association.


2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 330-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suho Bae

AbstractEconomic development and growth may induce infrastructure investment and service provision by the public sector. This article investigates to what degree economic performance affects infrastructure spending at the state and local levels. For further elaboration, it examines the differential impacts of economic performance on state and local spending on different types of infrastructure. For that purpose, infrastructure is classified into two types: knowledge infrastructure and physical infrastructure. Methodologically, it uses the time-series cross-sectional (TSCS) data from 1977 to 2000 in 50 states of the USA. To correct the complex error terms in TSCS data, it uses the ordinary least square estimation using the Prais-Winsten procedure and panel-corrected standard errors. Some endogeneity issues are also corrected. Research finds that economic development and growth contributes to the increasing infrastructure spending on a per capita basis by state and local governments; however, its magnitude is not large. When infrastructure spending is disaggregated, economic performance also contributes to the increasing state and local spending on both knowledge and physical infrastructures. In particular, the magnitude of the positive effects on physical infrastructure spending is approximately two times as large as that on knowledge infrastructure spending. However, economic performance has no significant effects on the proportion of infrastructure spending out of the total state and local spending, regardless of whether infrastructure is aggregated or disaggregated. In short, there are level effects of economic performance, but there are no compositional effects. This finding implies that state and local governments increase infrastructure investment and its service provision in responding to the economic growth; yet, they do not consider it as a top priority in comparison with other types of functional areas.


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