URGENSI KONSTITUSIONALITAS PEMBENTUKAN KOMISI KEBENARAN DAN REKONSILIASI

Veritas ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-98
Author(s):  
Afif Alamsyah

Abstract As a state of law, Indonesia is obliged to provide human rights protection against the victims of heavy human rights violations. The idea of the formation of the KKR begins with the willingness of historical disclosure of truth on past interpretations that have never been dismantled as a preliminary answer to giving a sense of justice for the victims. What is expected in the reconciliation process is the recognition of past history that allows the victim to open an apology door for perpetrators of heavy human rights abuses. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission is a phenomenon of transition arising from the context of countries facing the transition from the authoritarian regime to the democratic regime. One of the very quaint and dilematical problems facing the new government in this situation is to answer the community's demands on human rights crimes (gross violation of human rights) occurring under the previous regime. The transitional Government sought to answer this problem by attempting to reconcile punitive tendencies on one side with a tendency to apologize or amnesty on the other side. So it can be said, the ability of transitional governments is limited to the effort to provide transitional justice that is not entirely satisfactory. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (KKR) should be regarded as a real progress in the gross violations of human rights in the past who were able to provide substantial justice to its rights to the realization of human rights protection in Indonesia.

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 72-87
Author(s):  
Asher Tumbo

Authoritarian state power always has an impact on violations of human rights. In fact, in a period of authoritarian change of power in a country towards democratic governance often leaves scars in the form of gross violations of human rights. This condition is exacerbated by the inability of the judiciary to provide a sense of justice for victims of gross human rights violations committed by the ruling government. Indonesia has also experienced the same thing, where gross violations of human rights were committed by an authoritarian government. Some of the gross violations of human rights have not even been resolved to date. The concept of Transitional Justice is considered to be one of the answers to the problem of gross human rights violations that have occurred in Indonesia.This article will analyze the concept of Transitional Justice in dealing with gross human rights violations in Indonesia.The purpose of this paper is to find out the application of the concept of Transitional Justice in Indonesia.Based on the analysis used, it was found that the application of the concept of Transitional Justice in Indonesia could be done if there was an institution called the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.


Author(s):  
Jaymie Heilman

From 2001 to 2003, Peru’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (the Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación del Perú, or CVR) investigated and reported on human rights abuses committed in Peru by state forces and insurgents between 1980 and 2000. That twenty-year armed internal conflict began when militants of the Peruvian Communist Party-Shining Path (Sendero Luminoso) launched an armed struggle against the Peruvian State. The smaller MRTA (Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement) waged a separate armed struggle from 1984 until 1997. Peru’s armed forces, police, and peasant civil defense patrols carried out a counterinsurgency that lasted until the collapse of Alberto Fujimori’s authoritarian regime in 2000. The CVR’s official mandate was to analyze why the violence occurred, determine the scale of victimization, assess responsibility, propose reparations, and recommend preventative reforms. The CVR collected nearly seventeen thousand testimonies about the violence, including harrowing stories of massacres, disappearances, torture, and sexual abuse. The CVR also held twenty-seven public hearings, broadcast on Peruvian television and radio. Commissioners determined that the death toll from the armed internal conflict was 69,280. This number was more than twice as high as previous estimates. The CVR established that 79 percent of the victims lived in rural areas, and 75 percent of the dead spoke Quechua or another Indigenous language as their first language. Commissioners also determined that the PCP-Shining Path was responsible for 54 percent of the reported deaths. The Final Report recommended institutional reforms including changes to Peru’s educational system, limits on military autonomy, changes to policing, and greater controls over intelligence agencies. It also made a series of recommendations regarding individual and collective reparations, as well as judicial actions. These conclusions and recommendations appear in the CVR’s Final Report, a nine-volume analysis of the violence, totaling about eight thousand pages. Commissioners forwarded forty-five cases to the Peruvian Attorney General’s office (Ministerio Público) and two cases to the Peruvian Judiciary (Poder Judicial) for investigation and possible criminal trials. Most of these cases, however, stalled in the courts. The most significant exception to these frustrated legal efforts was the trial of former president Alberto Fujimori, who was found guilty of human rights abuses and sentenced to twenty-five years in prison. The CVR proved highly controversial inside Peru. Many Peruvians argued that reconciliation would be tantamount to forgiving and forgetting terrorists’ crimes. Another heated controversy involved the accusation that the CVR was unduly sympathetic to the Shining Path and unfairly critical of the Peruvian military. Although the CVR’s work galvanized civil society, the return to power of political and military figures sharply criticized in the Final Report has led many observers to question the Truth Commission’s impact. There has also been significant disappointment with the CVR because it generated expectations for compensation and sociopolitical transformation that have not been met.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (6) ◽  
pp. 1113-1128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ñusta Carranza Ko

Embedded in transitional justice processes is an implicit reference to the production of collective memory and history. This article aims to study how memory initiatives become a crucial component of truth-seeking and reparations processes. The article examines South Korea’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission and the creation of collective memory through symbolic reparations of history revision in education. The South Korean Truth and Reconciliation Commission recommended a set of symbolic reparations to the state, including history rectification reflective of the truth on human rights violations. Using political discourse analysis, this study compares the South Korean Truth and Reconciliation Commission’s Final Report to the 2016 national history textbook. The article finds that the language of human rights in state sponsored history revisions contests the findings of the truth commission. And in doing so, this analysis argues for the need to reevaluate the government-initiated memory politics even in a democratic state that instituted numerous truth commissions and prosecuted former heads of state.


2001 ◽  
Vol 178 (4) ◽  
pp. 373-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Debra Kaminer ◽  
Dan J. Stein ◽  
Irene Mbanga ◽  
Nompumelelo Zungu-Dirwayi

BackgroundThe impact on individual survivors of human rights abuses of testifying before South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) has not been established.AimsTo examine the degree to which participation in the TRC is related to current psychiatric status and forgiveness among survivors.MethodSurvivors (n=134) who gave public, closed or no testimony to the TRC completed instruments measuring exposure to human rights abuses, exposure to other traumatic events, current psychiatric status and forgiveness attitudes towards the perpetrator(s).ResultsThere was no significant association between TRC participation and current psychiatric status or current forgiveness attitudes, and low forgiveness was associated with poorer psychiatric health.ConclusionsTruth commissions should form part of, rather than be a substitute for, comprehensive therapeutic interventions for survivors of human rights abuses. Lack of forgiveness may be an important predictor of psychiatric risk in this population.


PETITUM ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 100-113
Author(s):  
Moh Fadhil

This research aims to examine efforts to fulfill transitional justice through its four windows. The method used is normative legal research with conceptual and historical approaches. The results showed that the problem of impunity inhibited in all transitional justice windows, starting from the truth window in the absence of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the justice window in the form of a justice mechanism that caused friction between the National Human Rights Commission and the Attorney General's Office, the reparation window which until now only Aceh and Palu have real programs for victims and survivors, institutional reform windows that have not reduced the total security approach and the absence of vetting mechanisms. Therefore, a policy reformulation process is needed in the Human Rights Court Law to strengthen the position of the NHRC and immediately discuss the TRC Bill, accelerate reparations and institutional reform programs   Penelitan ini bertujuan untuk menelaah upaya pemenuhan keadilan transisi melalui empat jendela. Metode yang digunakan adalah penelitian hukum normatif dengan pendekatan konseptual dan pendekatan sejarah. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa problem impunitas menghambat di semua jendela keadilan transisi, mulai dari jendela kebenaran berupa ketiadaan KKR, jendela keadilan berupa mekanisme peradilan yang menimbulkan friksi antara Komnas HAM dengan Kejaksaan Agung, jendela reparasi yang hingga saat ini baru Aceh dan Palu yang memiliki program yang nyata bagi para korban dan penyintas dan jendela reformasi institusi yang belum mereduksi total pendekatan keamanan serta ketiadaan mekanisme seleksi terhadap rekam jejak anggota militer. Oleh karena itu, dibutuhkan proses reformulasi kebijakan pada UU Pengadilan HAM dan segera membahas RUU KKR, percepatan program reparasi dan reformasi institusi.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Proscovia Svärd

Truth and Reconciliation Commissions (TRCs) are established to document violations of human rights and international humanitarian law in post-conflict societies. The intent is to excavate the truth to avoid political speculations and create an understanding of the nature of the conflict. The documentation hence results in a common narrative which aims to facilitate reconciliation to avoid regression to conflict. TRCs therefore do a tremendous job and create compound documentation that includes written statements, interviews, live public testimonies of witnesses and they also publish final reports based on the accumulated materials. At the end of their mission, TRCs recommend the optimal use of their documentation since it is of paramount importance to the reconciliation process. Despite this ambition, the TRCs’ documentation is often politicized and out of reach for the victims and the post-conflict societies at large. The TRCs’ documentation is instead poorly diffused into the post conflict societies and their findings are not effectively disseminated and used.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
Marika McAdam

This article explores the challenges involved in differentiating between human trafficking and migrant smuggling, and their implications for human rights protection. Exploitation is dismissed as a hallmark of trafficking, with reference to situations of trafficking that occur without exploitation, and migrant smuggling that involves exploitation. The consent of smuggled migrants is similarly rejected as a signifier of smuggling, given the irrelevance of consent in human trafficking. Discussion of stigmatisation of migrants willing to migrant irregularly, and the simplification of their plight, leads to consideration of rights-based distinctions between the two phenomena. Assumptions made about the types of abuses that occur in trafficking and smuggling scenarios are explained as detracting from human rights protections of rights-holders. Ultimately, it is asserted that the labels of ‘trafficked’ and ‘smuggled’ should not be determined on the basis of human rights abuses, but should be confronted irrespective of which label has been allocated.


Author(s):  
Hans Morten Haugen

Abstract Norway’s policies regarding Sámi and most national minorities in an historic perspective can be characterized as forced assimilation; except for Jews and Roma, where the historic policy can be termed exclusion. The Norwegian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (trc) is intended to be a broad-based process, resulting in a report to the Norwegian Parliament in 2022. After identifying various explanations for the relatively strong standing of the (North) Sámi domestically and in international forums, the article identifies various ways that human rights will be important for the trc’s work and final report: (i) self-determination; (ii) participation in political life; (iii) participation in cultural life; (iv) family life; (v) private life; and (vi) human dignity. Some of these rights are relatively wide, but all give relevant guidance to the trc’s work. The right to private life did not prevent the Norwegian Parliament’s temporary law to enable the trc’s access to archives


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