scholarly journals Hate Speech or Divisive Language

Author(s):  
Elena Tarasheva

The article analyses a specialized corpus of texts by a Bulgarian radio host to establish what language items qualify as hate speech. Definitions of hate speech are adapted from the political sphere and given a linguistic dimension within a framework of corpus-assisted critical discourse analysis. The concordances of key words in the corpus are searched for labelling, namecalling, denotation-shifting etc.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adib Rifqi Setiawan

The Critical Discourse Analysis is often applied to analyze political discourse including the political speech. This article analyzes Grace Natalie Louisa’s Speech, mainly in Festival 11 by Partai Solidaritas Indonesia (PSI), that is exclusively based on the perspective of Teun Adrianus van Dijk. It reveals that we can learn how to deliver our ideology to public. Moreover, we can have a better understanding of the political purpose of these speeches.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 256-275
Author(s):  
Mustafa Menshawy

Abstract In this article, I examine a corpus of texts that address the 1973 war; these texts cover the period from 1981 to 2011, marking the beginning and end of Hosni Mubarak’s rule. Utilizing Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), I explore how Mubarak’s regime employed the war to legitimize its power and defend its policies by deploying longstanding culturally-embedded ‘macro themes’. These macro themes refer to the war as an overwhelming and undisputed ‘Egyptian victory’ and, more significantly, they portray Mubarak himself as ‘war personified/war personalized’. The analysis of linguistic and extra-linguistic features in al-Ahram newspaper (the mouthpiece of the state), among other media texts on the war, show how the discursive construction was made consistent, coherent and resonant in a managed context that characterized the political and media landscapes. Depending on unique access to those who produced, edited and even censored the texts under analysis, this method unravels a complex set of cultural messages and conventions about the war, and fills a lacuna in the literature by offering insight into the deliberate and well-coordinated process of shaping and reshaping a specific discourse for a specific purpose.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Saptorini Listianingsih

This study uses van Dijk’s version of Critical Discourse Analysis perspective to examine the news construction of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia’s disbandment in two online newspapers. The two online newspapers used in this study are the Jakarta Post and Jakarta Globe. From the analysis, it shows us that based on textual analysis, the government and HTI are portrayed as two opposing parties. The government is described as ruling regime having authority to maintain national interests that is Pancasila as well as national unity, diversity, and security, while HTI is described as the organization against national interest. Thus, the disbandment of HTI is a correct step to defend national interests. This is in accordance with the developing discourse in society that the existence of HTI is considered to endanger Pancasila. Furthermore, this research revealed that the history, vision mission, previous experience and the political interest of special political elites in media has had decisive influence in transforming reality into news texts.


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Hamzah Hamzah ◽  
Kurnia Ningsih

This study is aimed at exploring the way the English teachers at senior high schools exercise power and domination during the teaching and learning process. Conversation analysis and critical discourse analysis were used to analyze the data. The data were generated from thirty transcripts of classroom interaction comprising of two academic hour session for each transcript. The findings of this study revealed that the English teacher still exercised strong power and domination in the classroom. Most exchanges were initiated by the teacher (93%), and the students involvements were limited to providing responses in accordance with the information initiated by their teacher. The teachers’ domination was also seen in the length of the turns. The teachers normally had extended turn comprising one clause or more, while students’ contributions were normally short consisting of one word, one phrase, and one clause was the longest in each turn. Beside the two indicators, the teachers’ power and domination were seen in controlling the topic, giving instruction, asking close questions and providing correction. Key words: conversation, classroom discourse, power and domination


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shaina Singh

On August 13th 2010, the MV Sun Sea ship carrying 492 Tamil asylum seekers arrived off of the coast of British Columbia. Immediately upon arrival the Tamil asylum seekers were detained for a prolonged period of time, subjected to intensified interrogation techniques, and unfairly questioned even when in possession of identifying documents. This paper examines how the government used political discourse to try and justify the unusually harsh detention of asylum seekers. Through a critical discourse analysis strategy, eight newspaper articles will be analyzed and the theories of securitization, discourse, and orientalism will be used to advance certain political ideologies. The political justifications of detention operate through the theme of the egocentric state, and the theme of categorizing and demonizing asylum seekers. The final theme discussed is the concept of victimization, which will offer an alternate perspective to this paper’s main focus on political discourse.


Author(s):  
M. Naveed Baqir

This paper discusses implications of Information Communication Technologies (ICT) growth on the new political discourse in Pakistan. The power play between the civil society and General Pervez Musharraf set new directions for Pakistani politics in 2007. This paper presents a critical discourse analysis of the controversy surrounding Musharraf’s attempt to continue holding the offices of army chief and president of Pakistan simultaneously. He declared “army uniform is part of my skin”. The civil society’s online participation in the political process and the street protests that resulted forced him to flee the country. The paper offers an analysis of ICT growth and politics in Pakistan and provides an understanding of how ICT growth has shaped the political landscape in Pakistan. Social and electronic media have emerged as powerful political players and have influenced Pakistani politics and policy development. This critical discourse analysis explains political changes during 2007 that are generally attributed to ICT growth. The results indicate that ICT growth plays an important role in achieving harmony, coordination, social change, justice, and transparency of government.


2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 27-34
Author(s):  
M. Naveed Baqir

This paper discusses implications of Information Communication Technologies (ICT) growth on the new political discourse in Pakistan. The power play between the civil society and General Pervez Musharraf set new directions for Pakistani politics in 2007. This paper presents a critical discourse analysis of the controversy surrounding Musharraf’s attempt to continue holding the offices of army chief and president of Pakistan simultaneously. He declared “army uniform is part of my skin”. The civil society’s online participation in the political process and the street protests that resulted forced him to flee the country. The paper offers an analysis of ICT growth and politics in Pakistan and provides an understanding of how ICT growth has shaped the political landscape in Pakistan. Social and electronic media have emerged as powerful political players and have influenced Pakistani politics and policy development. This critical discourse analysis explains political changes during 2007 that are generally attributed to ICT growth. The results indicate that ICT growth plays an important role in achieving harmony, coordination, social change, justice, and transparency of government.


2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 392-412 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farid Hafez

This article analyses the two national parliamentary debates on the new Islam law of 2015 using a Viennese School of Critical Discourse Analysis. It asks how the new Islam law was framed from the perspectives of the political parties in power and of those in opposition. It also shows in detail which arguments were raised to defend, alter or support the proposed law by identifying the list of topoi used. It asks especially how racist arguments were debated between on one side a comparably tolerant Austrian system of laws on religion, and on the other, the dominant right-wing populist Freedom Party of Austria, which aimed to foster Islamophobia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Stanley Elias

This study comparatively analyses the allusion and analogies of Indonesian Presidents’ by wayang characters and stories. It particularly interrogates how wayang characters and lakon allude and mediate the personal and political identities of Indonesian presidents in the Reformasi era. The study focuses on the portrayal of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Jokowi during Reformasi era. The study is a qualitative research and deploying Textual and Critical Discourse Analysis approaches. These are to examine how language in the selected wayang kulit and wayang golek stories, as a form of social and cultural practice, constructs the personal and political identities of the presidents. Central to the analysis, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono is in most cases alluded as Semar, and his association with selected lakon significantly inform on the political and personal identities among Indonesians and the International community. On the other hand, Jokowi is alluded to as Petruk but presenting contradicting allusions and analogies in Indonesian politics. Generally, findings suggest that the portrayal of Indonesian presidents’ identities by wayang characters and in the lakon is never fixed. The change of political atmosphere and failure to meet peoples’ expectations culminate in changes on the portrayal of political and personal identities of presidents.


ATAVISME ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-58
Author(s):  
Tengsoe Tjahjono

Puisi bukan hanya berurusan dengan bentuk ekspresi dan isi, namun juga aksi, yaitu ba­ gaimana puisi mampu terlibat dalam membangun kesadaran bagi masyarakat tentang persoalan hidup mereka. Tulisan ini mengaji perlawanan Rendra dan Wiji Thukul terhadap kekuasaan melalui puisi. Fokus kajian adalah alasan Rendra dan Wiji Thukul melakukan perlawanan dan bagai­mana konstruksi puisi perlawanan mereka. Kajian ini memakai analisis wacana kritis Fairclough yang meliputi langkah­langkah deskripsi, interpretasi, dan eksplanasi. Dari kajian itu disimpulkan bahwa Rendra dan Thukul sama­sama menulis puisi yang mengangkat keberpihakan mereka pada yang tertindas dan dimarginalkan dengan gaya dan latar pribadi yang berbeda. Abstract: Poetry is not just dealing with the type of expression and its content, but also action, that is how poetry can engage in building the community awareness on issues of their lives. This paper tries to analyze the resistance of Rendra and Wiji Thukul to power through poetry. Focus of the study is Rendra and Wiji Thukul’s reasons in taking the fight and how is the construction of their resistance poetry. This study uses Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis that consists of description, interpretation, and explanation. From the study, there is a conclusion that Rendra and Thukul have composed poetries trying to raise their alignment with the marginal community expressed in different styles and personal backgrounds. Key Words: poetry, resistance, power, critical discourse analysis


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