scholarly journals Decarbonizing Transport in the European Union: Emission Performance Standards and the Perspectives for a European Green Deal

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (20) ◽  
pp. 8381
Author(s):  
Tobias Haas ◽  
Hendrik Sander

The transport sector is a major driver of climate change both globally and in the European Union (EU). While the EU as a whole is showing declining carbon emissions, transport-related emissions are higher than in 1990. Car traffic is responsible for around 12 percent of the EU’s total greenhouse gas emissions. EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen underlined the efforts to strengthen the decarbonization of the EU at the end of 2019 by publishing the European Green Deal (EGD) communication. In this paper, we analyze the controversy surrounding the emission performance standards for cars adopted in spring 2019. Car manufacturers must reduce the average carbon emissions of their fleets by 37.5% between 2021 and 2030. In this respect, the new emission performance standards are more ambitious than the previous ones. However, our argument is that without a major shift in the balance of power, extensive decarbonization and a departure from car-centered transport development will not be possible. Therefore, it is crucial for mobility research to critically engage with lobbying power in the EU and with concepts such as environmental leadership, which often underexpose the structural power of incumbent actors and existing path dependencies.

2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-76
Author(s):  
G.G. Geletukha ◽  
T.A. Zheliezna ◽  
S.V. Drahniev ◽  
A.I. Bashtovyi

Purpose of the work is to analyze the perspective directions for the development of transport biofuels sector in Ukraine. Current state and prospects for the production and utilization of transport biofuels in the EU are presented. It is shown that the consumption of transport biofuels in the European Union increased quite dynamically during 2004-2012, experienced a stagnation period for the next four years and started to rise again from 2017. Directive (EU) 2018/2001 (RED II) sets the mandatory target of achieving 14% of renewable energy in the EU transport sector by 2030, with a mandatory share of second generation biofuels. Analysis of the situation in Ukraine shows that the production of bioethanol and biodiesel, unfortunately, has not reached wide development. Over the past twenty years, several relevant programs were developed and approved in the country, but their implementation was not successful in terms of achieving the goals. Today, there are about 20 bioethanol producers in Ukraine with a total capacity of more than 300 kt/yr, but only 8 enterprises with a total capacity of 128 kt/yr are operating. It is known that 14 biodiesel plants with a total capacity of 300 kt/yr have been built in Ukraine, but at present they are actually idle. In addition, there are about 50 smaller enterprises capable of producing up to 25 kt of biodiesel per year, but no reliable information on the actual activity of these enterprises is available. It is obvious that the sector of transport biofuels is currently in a state of stagnation in Ukraine. To improve the situation, it is necessary to implement the consistent state policy and appropriate incentive instruments.


IG ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 318-327
Author(s):  
Martin Selmayr

The executive of the European Union (EU) is currently led by two Presidents: the President of the European Commission and the President of the European Council. This double Presidency is the result of a compromise between the supranational and the intergovernmental schools of thoughts at the European Convention 2002/2003. However, in practice, the interplay of the two Presidents and their competencies, which are not always clearly separated by the provisions of the Treaty of Lisbon, occasionally leads to inefficiencies or even conflict in the external representation of the EU. This is why former Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker proposed, on 13 September 2017, to merge the functions of the two Presidents by always electing the President of the Commission as President of the European Council. The article explains the rationale of the Juncker proposal, which has the potential to make the EU easier to understand for its citizens and more efficient geopolitically, while overcoming the artificial distinction between national and European interests in the leadership of the Union. The current debate about the future of the EU and its more effective positioning in global affairs appears to be a good moment to look again at the Juncker proposal, which could be implemented without the need to change the Treaties.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 59-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Bacon ◽  
Emi Kato

AbstractThis article focuses on two of the three pillars of the ‘EU through the Eyes of Asia’ perceptions project, and analyzes the Japanese print media and elite interviews. We focus on two issues: the first of these is exasperation at the slow progress towards an EU-Japan Free Trade Agreement/Economic Partnership Agreement (FTA/EPA). This exasperation is clearest in the Japanese elite interviews, but the trade negotiations also feature significantly in discussions in the Japanese print media. The second issue is the consistent perception of the EU as a significant normative and diplomatic power, and a leader on human rights promotion, with this perception strongly evident in both the Japanese print media and elite interviews. Overall, the EU was perceived positively as a political actor, and, in a boost for post-Lisbon perceptions of the EU, High Representative Catherine Ashton had a generally high and somewhat positive profile in Japan. This came across more strongly in the print media rather than the elite interviews. In a much-quoted speech given in Japan in 2006, Commission President José Manuel Barroso talked of the untapped trade potential within EU-Japan relations, and the normative power of the EU and Japan. A focus on perceptions helps to inform us about the global importance of the EU and how this is being interpreted outside of Europe. To understand the European Union itself we need to have an external reflection in order to interpret its meaning. Through our study, we hope to highlight and communicate the fact that the Barroso perspective is shared by many within Japan.


2018 ◽  
pp. 76-95
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Tomaszewski

The article refers to the phenomenon of autonomous vehicles in the transport policy of the European Union. Their use in practice results in the need to implement new solutions in the fields of technology, law, economics and politics. The European Union is taking various steps to prepare the Member States for an autonomous revolution. The aim of the article is to conceptualise the basic problems that can be investigated in the subject matter of autonomous vehicles as well as to analyse the position and strategy of the European Union towards autonomous transport. The article uses the decision method. Among the research findings, it should be pointed out that the EU as an international organisation is open and prepared to address the challenges posed by the implementation of autonomous transport. It takes effective action to coordinate the application of new solutions at the national level (in the Member States) as well as at the transnational level. In this way, the transport sector has the chance to dynamically develop and maintain its prominent position as a key sector of the EU economy. The implementation of innovative transport solutions is a conditio sine qua non for the future of this sector.


2014 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-43
Author(s):  
R. Smigins ◽  
P. Shipkovs

Abstract During the last 10 years biofuel production and utilization in the European Union have become more extensive owing to support provided by the relevant EU Directives. Achievement of the main targets defined by Directives was not simple, being confronted with various barriers. Latvia is one of the EU member-countries that have set an ambitious goal as to the production of biofuel and its use in transport. The authors summarize the major achievements of the country in this area and analyze the main barriers to implementation of biofuels in the transport sector, providing an outlook on the current status of the bioenergy and the transport situation in Latvia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 117 (16) ◽  
pp. 8804-8812 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Bayer ◽  
Michaël Aklin

International carbon markets are an appealing and increasingly popular tool to regulate carbon emissions. By putting a price on carbon, carbon markets reshape incentives faced by firms and reduce the value of emissions. How effective are carbon markets? Observers have tended to infer their effectiveness from market prices. The general belief is that a carbon market needs a high price in order to reduce emissions. As a result, many observers remain skeptical of initiatives such as the European Union Emissions Trading System (EU ETS), whose price remained low (compared to the social cost of carbon). In this paper, we assess whether the EU ETS reduced CO2 emissions despite low prices. We motivate our study by documenting that a carbon market can be effective if it is a credible institution that can plausibly become more stringent in the future. In such a case, firms might cut emissions even though market prices are low. In fact, low prices can be a signal that the demand for carbon permits weakens. Thus, low prices are compatible with successful carbon markets. To assess whether the EU ETS reduced carbon emissions even as permits were cheap, we estimate counterfactual carbon emissions using an original sectoral emissions dataset. We find that the EU ETS saved about 1.2 billion tons of CO2 between 2008 and 2016 (3.8%) relative to a world without carbon markets, or almost half of what EU governments promised to reduce under their Kyoto Protocol commitments. Emission reductions in sectors covered under the EU ETS were higher.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-69
Author(s):  
Torbjørg Jevnaker ◽  
Barbara Saerbeck

The development of the energy policy of the European Union (EU) has been accompanied by organizational reforms of the EU’s energy bureaucracy. Much attention has been paid to Commission President Juncker’s reorganization of the European Commission, including how this has influenced the Energy Union initiative. The establishment of EU agencies has also expanded the EU administration and the capacity for developing new initiatives and coordinating implementation of EU legislation. However, recent research has not been sufficiently connected to policy studies on energy, climate and environment. This article analyses the extent to which two EU agencies—the Agency for the Cooperation of Energy Regulators, and the European Environmental Agency—augment the policymaking capacity of the Commission by providing information that aids its work. The article ends with a discussion of the potential implications of agencification.


2020 ◽  
pp. 79-90
Author(s):  
Renata Przygodzka ◽  

Purpose – The aim of the paper is to identify the directions and instruments of state aid (with the exception of agriculture and the transport sector) used in Poland and to identify their specificities in relation to other countries of the European Union. Research method – The achievement of the above purpose required the use of research methods such as the analysis of legal acts, the collection and analysis of secondary data and the processing of the collected factual material using descriptive statistical methods. The data source was The State Aid Scoreboard, together with a variety of reports from the Office for Competition and Consumer Protection. Results – In 2017, the amount of state aid in Poland was twice as high as the average indicator in the European Union (1.51% and 0.76% respectively). Regional development (27.3%) was the main beneficiary of its allocation, while environmental protection was 55.4% in the EU. A specific feature of state aid in Poland is its sustainability, which does not exist to a similar extent in other Member States. Originality /value – According to the author's knowledge, this is one of the unique research papers devoted to the problem of state aid, especially in the context of the indication of the specific characteristics of state aid in Poland against the background of the countries of the European Union.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (16) ◽  
pp. 7601
Author(s):  
Arshad Bhat ◽  
Javier Ordóñez Garcia

To accomplish the 1.5 °C and 2 °C climate change targets, the European Union (EU) has set up several policy initiatives. Within the EU, the carbon emissions of the road transport sector from the consumption of diesel and gasoline are constantly rising. (1) Background: due to road transport policies, diesel and gasoline use within the EU is increasing the amount of carbon in the atmosphere and adding to climate risks. (2) Methods: sustainability analysis used was based on the method recommended by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. (3) Results: to meet its road transport requirements, the EU produces an estimated 0.237–0.245 billion tonnes of carbon per year from its total consumption of diesel and gasoline. (4) Conclusion: if there is no significant reduction in diesel and gasoline carbon emissions, there is a real risk that the EU’s carbon budget commitment could lapse and that climate change targets will not be met. Sustainability analysis of energy consumption in road transport sector shows the optimum solution is the direct electrification of road transport.


2018 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-81
Author(s):  
Margaret Mary Malone

Abstract The year 2017 was eventful for the EU and its member states. Given the widespread Euroscepticism and populism which appeared to be on the rise last year, election results in the Netherlands, France and Germany were greeted with relief and hope for the future. The EU was in an optimistic mood. European Commission President Jean- Claude Juncker used his State of the European Union speech in September to note that the EU had the ‘wind in its sails’ (Juncker, 2017). At the same time, he cautioned that the fair weather conditions would not last long - there was no room for complacency. The EU had to act to protect, empower and defend its citizens. The EU moved forward on a number of policy fronts in the wake of the Brexit vote and also concluded high-profile international trade deals in an effort to fill the vacuum left by the protectionist policies of the Trump administration.


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