scholarly journals Disability Status, Housing Tenure, and Residential Attainment in Metropolitan America

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (9) ◽  
pp. 144
Author(s):  
Samantha Friedman ◽  
Kaya Hamer-Small ◽  
Wendie Choudary

In 2010, 18.7 percent of the U.S. non-institutionalized population had a disability. Despite the existence of the Fair Housing Amendments Act (FHAA), which prohibits housing discrimination on the basis of disability, recent research has found that individuals and/or families with disabilities live in poorer quality housing and neighborhoods than those without disabilities. However, no research has examined such disparities in residential attainment separately by housing tenure; our research seeks to fill this gap. The findings suggest that residential disadvantage among households with people with disabilities is worse in the sales market compared to the rental market. These findings are discussed as they relate to theories on residential attainment. The implications of our study suggest that more attention should be given to people with disabilities as they navigate the housing market, particularly in the sales market, and that greater enforcement of the FHAA is warranted in the sales market.

2019 ◽  
pp. 253-262
Author(s):  
Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor

Homeownership in the U.S. is often touted as a means to escape poverty, build wealth, and fully participate in American society. However, racism in the broader American society ultimately resulted in a racist housing market that excludes Black people from homeownership and depresses the value of property inhabited by African Americans. The perception that Black buyers are risky has continued to fuel predatory practices in real estate. The author notes that African Americans should not be limited to the rental market because of inequality in the housing market. Instead, she suggests people should question American society, a society in which full citizenship is reliant upon home ownership.


Disabilities ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 278-285
Author(s):  
Jayajit Chakraborty

This study seeks to examine the relationship between COVID-19 vulnerability and disability status in the U.S. by investigating whether vulnerability to the pandemic is significantly greater in counties containing higher percentages of people with disabilities (PwDs) and those reporting specific types of difficulties, in four timeframes from May 2020 to February 2021. Values of the recently developed U.S. COVID-19 Pandemic Vulnerability Index (PVI) are analyzed with respect to disability variables from the 2019 American Community Survey five-year estimates. Statistical analyses are based on comparing the mean percentages of PwDs across five quintiles of PVI scores and bivariate generalized estimating equations that examine associations between PVI scores and disability characteristics while controlling for geographic clustering. The results indicate that the percentages of people with any disability and multiple disabilities, as well as percentages of PwDs reporting vision, cognitive, ambulatory, self-care, and independent living difficulties, are significantly greater in counties in the highest 20% of the PVI, compared to those in the lowest 20%. The percentages of all these disability variables are significantly and positively associated with PVI scores, suggesting that PwDs were overrepresented in U.S. counties with higher pandemic vulnerability in all four timeframes. These county-level associations emphasize the urgent need for more detailed analyses to examine the adverse impacts of COVID-19 on PwDs and more detailed information to enable such analyses.


Author(s):  
Roy R. P. Kouwenberg ◽  
Remco C. J. Zwinkels
Keyword(s):  

2001 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mara S. Sidney

As the first national law to address racial discrimination in housing, the 1968 Fair Housing Act was truly a landmark piece of legislation. It prohibited homeowners, real-estate agents, lenders, and other housing professionals from engaging in a range of practices they had commonly used to keep neighborhoods racially segregated, such as refusing to sell or rent to a person because of his or her race, lying about the availability of a dwelling, or blockbusting (inducing white owners to sell by telling them that blacks were moving into the neighborhood). The last of the 1960s-era civil rights laws, the Fair Housing Act tackled the arena long felt to be the most sensitive to whites. Intense controversy, demonstrations, and violence over fair housing issues had occurred in many cities and states since at least the 1940s. Although John F. Kennedy promised during his presidential campaign to end housing discrimination “with the stroke of a pen,” once elected, he waited two years to sign a limited executive order. In 1966, a fair housing bill supported by President Johnson failed in Congress. Unlike other civil rights bills, the issue of housing evoked opposition not just from the South but also from the North. Opponents claimed that it challenged basic American values such as “a man's home is his castle”; to supporters, the symbolism of homeownership as “the American Dream” only underscored the importance of ensuring that housing was available to all Americans, regardless of race.


2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-54
Author(s):  
Leah Powers

In 2013, the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) published its Disparate Impact Final Rule in which it sought to formalize its longstanding interpretation of disparate impact liability under the Fair Housing Act (FHA) by setting forth a three-part burden-shifting framework. HUD subsequently revisited its disparate impact standard following the 2015 Supreme Court ruling in Inclusive Communities and published a Proposed Rule on August 19, 2019. On September 24, 2020, HUD published a new Final Rule substantially altering the disparate impact standard laid out by the 2013 Rule. This Comment will analyze the similarities and differences between the disparate impact standard in the 2013 Rule and the standard set forth in the current, 2020 Rule. Additionally, given that the 2020 Rule was drafted in response to Inclusive Communities, this Comment will examine whether, and to what extent, the 2020 Rule is consistent with the Court’s ruling. Finally, this Comment will address the criticism leveled at the 2020 Rule by fair housing advocates and explore potential consequences of the new standard. Ultimately, this Comment will argue that, although the 2020 Rule finds some textual support in Inclusive Communities for several elements of its new framework, given the broad remedial purpose of the FHA, the core mission of HUD to eradicate housing discrimination, the potential, negative consequences of the new standard, and President Biden’s recent memorandum on housing discrimination, HUD should abandon the 2020 Rule and readopt the 2013 Rule.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (2024) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sitian Liu ◽  
◽  
Yichen Su ◽  
Keyword(s):  

2009 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 178-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Finn Østrup ◽  
Lars Oxelheim ◽  
Clas Wihlborg

Since July 2007, the world economy has experienced a severe financial crisis that originated in the U.S. housing market. Subsequently, the crisis has spread to financial sectors in European and Asian economies and led to a severe worldwide recession. The existing literature on financial crises rarely distinguishes between factors that create the original strain on the financial sector and factors that explain why these strains lead to system-wide contagion and a possible credit crunch. Most of the literature on financial crises refers to factors that cause an original disruption in the financial system. We argue that a financial crisis with its contagion within the system is caused by failures of legal, regulatory, and political institutions.


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