scholarly journals First-Wave COVID-19 Pandemic in Greece: The Role of Demographic, Social, and Geographical Factors in Life Satisfaction during Lockdown

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 186
Author(s):  
Evgenia Anastasiou ◽  
Marie-Noelle Duquenne

The onset of the coronavirus pandemic led to profound changes in populations’ everyday lives. The main purpose of this research is to investigate the factors that affected life satisfaction during the first-wave lockdown in Greece. A web-based survey was developed, and 4305 questionnaires were completed corresponding to all Greek regional units. Statistical modeling (multivariate logistic regression) was performed to evaluate to which extent significant geographical attributes and socioeconomic characteristics are likely to influence life satisfaction during lockdown due to the pandemic. In the course of the present work, some key findings emerged: social distancing and confinement measures affected mostly women in relation to men; there was a strong positive association between life satisfaction and age, especially as regards the older population; changes to employment status, increase in psychosomatic disorders, and increased usage of social media were also likely to negatively impact people’s life satisfaction. By contrast, trust in the government and the media and limited health concerns seem to have a strong association with subjective wellbeing. Finally, life satisfaction does not depend much on geographical characteristics such as urbanity or insularity, highlighting that the lockdown had an impact on the Greek population regardless of the physical isolation.

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 377-423
Author(s):  
Slađana Josipović Batorek ◽  
Valentina Kezić

The Communist Party of Yugoslavia’s (CPY) rise to power in 1945 was followed by a period of fundamental socio-political changes that encompassed all aspects of life. In order to establish a complete political and ideological authority, the government attempted to suppress all elements which, in their view, were not aligned with the doctrine of the Communist Party. As a result, everything that was perceived as remnants of the old socio-political order was marginalised, such as religion, tradition and customs. Moreover, reinterpretation of the past also took place, as well as creation of new rituals and Tito’s cult of personality. Accordingly, a completely new calendar of official, state holidays was established, deprived of any national or religious tradition. One of those holidays was May Day, which was celebrated for two days and whose purpose, like most other holidays of that period, was to create uniqueness of feelings and actions in society, focusing on the working class, socialism, CPY, Yugoslavia and Josip Broz Tito. Besides, celebrations of major anniversaries and holidays, including May Day, presented an opportunity for transmission of ideological and political messages, most often articulated through numerous slogans which clearly defined the direction in which the society should move. The media played a key role in this process. Therefore, the central part of the paper consists of the analysis of newspaper articles from Glas Slavonije in order to understand its role in the implementation of those new political rituals and social values.


2021 ◽  
Vol 331 ◽  
pp. 04010
Author(s):  
Fakira Mohan Nahak

Odisha is a natural disaster prone state. Its geographical location contributes a lot for the disasters. The eastern Indian state has a 480 Kilometre long coastline. The Bay of Bengal which is the house of cyclonic storms is the major contributor for the calamities in the state. From time immemorial till today Odisha has been facing hundreds of calamities in the form of cyclones, floods and famines. It is a regular phenomenon that in the period of September to December every year Odisha faces varieties of cyclones. These affect human life, properties and agriculture to the maximum extent. After the super cyclone of 1999 the government became sensitive so also the media. In these two decades Odisha media has played a vital role in creating awareness about the disasters and helped people in displacement and rehabilitation. In recent pasts media helped the Government in reaching the “Zero Casualty” target. The role of media not only limited to this, even post-disasters it followed the condition of people and their lives. The researcher takes some case studies of different disasters and their handling by media. Also tries to find out the people’s perception about media in disaster preparedness and management.


Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492095950
Author(s):  
Jefferson Lyndon D Ragragio

Editorials are a political force used by news media to fulfil its watchdog function in fragile democracies like the Philippines. However, they also serve as a platform to invite a more positive reading of strongman administration. Against the backdrop of media populism, the article will problematize how the Fourth Estate articulates its political stance by examining the tensions and complexities in editorials. It will highlight the ways the media deals with subjects and stories surrounding Rodrigo Duterte. Through an analysis of editorials of four leading dominant news outlets (Bulletin, Inquirer, Rappler, and Star), three meta-thematic categories of media frames are uncovered. First, character degradation frames delineate how the media denounces the ties of Duterte with other political actors, particularly the Marcoses and China’s Xi. Second, pro-establishment frames echo the optimistic mantra of the government amid crisis. And third, non-editorial frames exhibit the failure of media to publish watchdog-inspired editorials. Each of these categories has underlying frames that are indicative of the democratic potential, or lack thereof, of news media.


Author(s):  
Ian Greaves ◽  
Paul Hunt

Chapter 10 covers information on definitions and types of radiological incident, radiation units, classification of radiation and nuclear incidents, basic radiation physics, stochastic and deterministic effects of radiation, types of device, acute effects of a nuclear explosion (detonation), managing an incident, radiological triage, radiation and the body, management of acute radiation syndrome, chronic effects, planning the response to a nuclear or radiation incident, planning at civilian sites, principles of radiation protection, civil nuclear constabulary, emergency exposures, the police response, RADSAFE, the site operator, fire and rescue services response, role of local authorities and Public Health England, national arrangements, radiation monitoring units, the Government Decontamination Service, central government response, dealing with the media, recovery, nuclear incidents overseas, and RIMNET.


Cells ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (10) ◽  
pp. 1283 ◽  
Author(s):  
AlKhairi ◽  
Cherian ◽  
Abu-Farha ◽  
Madhoun ◽  
Nizam ◽  
...  

Type 2 diabetes (T2D) is a growing pandemic associated with metabolic dysregulation and chronic inflammation. Meteorin-like hormone (METRNL) is an adipomyokine that is linked to T2D. Our objective was to evaluate the changes in METRNL levels in T2D and obesity and assess the association of METRNL levels with irisin. Overall, 228 Arab individuals were enrolled. Plasma levels of METRNL and irisin were assessed using immunoassay. Plasma levels of METRNL and irisin were significantly higher in T2D patients than in non-diabetic patients (p < 0.05). When the population was stratified based on obesity, METRNL and irisin levels were significantly higher in obese than in non-obese individuals (p < 0.05). We found a significant positive correlation between METRNL and irisin (r = 0.233 and p = 0.001). Additionally, METRNL and irisin showed significant correlation with various metabolic biomarkers associated with T2D and Obesity. Our data shows elevated METRNL plasma levels in individuals with T2D, further exacerbated with obesity. Additionally, a strong positive association was observed between METRNL and irisin. Further studies are necessary to examine the role of these proteins in T2D and obesity, against their ethnic background and to understand the mechanistic significance of their possible interplay.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 199-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ewa Sapiezynska

Two narratives dominate the literature about the state of freedom of expression in postliberal Venezuela, and they have few points in common, since they depend on different conceptualizations of the notion of freedom of expression. While the traditional liberal narrative focuses on the negative freedom that prohibits state interference, the postliberal narrative is based on positive freedom that encompasses the collective right of self-realization, particularly for the previously marginalized. During the government of Hugo Chávez, the discourse of freedom of expression was renewed, placing it in the context of power relations, accentuating positive freedom, and emphasizing the role of the public and community media. The establishment of the international public channel TeleSUR has revived the 1970s debate about the right to communication and contributed to the creation of a new Latin American-ness. En la literatura predominan dos narrativas acerca del estado de la libertad de expresión en la Venezuela posliberal las que tienen pocos puntos en común porque parten de visiones distintas del concepto de la libertad de expresión. Mientras la narrativa liberal tradicional enfoca sólo en la libertad negativa que previene la injerencia estatal, la narrativa posliberal se centra en la libertad positiva que abarca la autorrealización del derecho colectivo, también de los previamente marginalizados. Durante el gobierno de Hugo Chávez el discurso acerca de la libertad de expresión se renueva, insertando el concepto en el contexto de las relaciones de poder, acentuando la libertad positiva y enfatizando el rol de los medios públicos y comunitarios. El establecimiento del medio público internacional TeleSUR revive los debates sobre el derecho a la comunicación de la década de los 70 y aporta a la creación de una nueva Latinoamericanidad.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-100
Author(s):  
Ni Putu Noni Suharyanti ◽  
Kadek Endra Setiawan

In order to support the government in overcoming the Covid-19 outbreak, Komisi Penyiaran Indonesia (KPI) has issued several policies related to broadcasting, especially on television. This policy was taken considering that television is still the media with the most audience reach and has a high duplication power in society. Therefore, in every program broadcast to the public, adherence to health protocols is a must. Based on this, it is necessary to examine in depth the role of KPI in overseeing broadcasting and the synergy between Central and Regional KPIs in overseeing broadcasting during the Covid-19 pandemic. The results showed that the KPI in supervising broadcasting during the Covid-19 pandemic played an optimal role in regulating and supervising broadcast content by issuing policies to broadcast the socialization of prevention of the spread of Covid-19 either through Public Service Ads (ILM) or other programs by television and radio. In addition, KPI also issued KPI Decree (KKPI) Number 12 of 2020 concerning Support of Broadcasting Institutions in Efforts to Prevent and Overcome the Spread of Covid-19. Then to follow up on the Circular on news related to the Covid-19 Virus, the Central KPI along with Regional KPI throughout Indonesia conveyed and reminded all Broadcasting Institutions to remain guided by broadcasting rules in broadcasting institutions to convey useful and accountable information.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (II) ◽  
pp. 34-49
Author(s):  
Dost Muhammad Yousafzai ◽  
Mehrunnisa

The Taliban rule in Swat and the adjoining districts of Malakand Division was a major threat to the democratic stability of Pakistan. In consequence, the state had to mobilize the army and to curb militancy through force after all peaceful measures had failed. During the military operation, about 3 million people became IDPs (internally displaced persons) with no food and shelter. The only means of bringing the problems of the IDPs to the notice of public was possible only through media. The present research study is undertaken to highlight the role of media mainly the print in representing the IDPs, the language they used to describe the events and the experience of senior journalists (Bureau Chiefs) in the field. The study concludes that media performed in a commendable way to highlight the problems of IDPs, to glorify the army and to downplay the anti-state narrative of the Taliban. Further, it is found that despite all efforts, the media personnel felt torn between the various sides' expectations. On the one hand, they were pressed hard by the government and the IDPs to give them more coverage while the militants would also issue threats to them in case their views were not properly.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-132
Author(s):  
Hafied Cangara ◽  
Subhan Amir ◽  
Nosakros Arya

This study aims to determine the role of community newspaper in carrying out its oversight function of corruption in South Sulawesi province, Indonesia. The type of research used is the content analysis and in-depth interviews with several key informants, including the mayor, the attorney general, the police, non-governmental organizations, and newspaper publishers. The unit of analysis is four local newspapers namely Pare Pos, Palopo Pos, Radar Bone and Radar Selatan. These four newspapers were published outside the provincial capital of South Sulawesi, Makassar. Data analysis used the Single Factor Analysis of variance (ANOVA) or one-factor ANOVA (One Way ANOVA) test. The findings of the study show that: (1) the media has a role in carrying out its oversight function of corruption in government institutions in South Sulawesi, although this is not solely because of the media, but also the regulation and supervision carried out by the government through the bureaucratic path, (2) The portion of community newspaper coverage of corruption is quite large compared to other themes. However, judging from the tone of the news in general, it is still nuanced with information, and there has not been much investigated reporting. (3) Judging from the frequency of the coverage of these four newspapers, the Palopo Pos Daily and Radar Bone Daily showed a trend in reporting corruption issues, while the Pare Pos and Radar Selatan Daily tended to focus more on public service issues, for example waste, road, drinking water, electricity and traffic problems. However, statistical analysis showed that the difference was not significant.


2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kirsten Kozolanka

Abstract: This paper examines the key legitimating role of communication and the media, and the role of taming-labour, in constructing the Ontario neo-liberal hegemonic project in 1995. Media-content analysis and examination of the communication strategies of the Ontario government in the 1996 public-service strike show that the government relied on constructing the perception of a hegemonic crisis and framing labour as oppositional to the public interest of resolving the crisis. The government’s general strategy of quick-attack communications offensives curtailed media and opposition scrutiny, increasing the likelihood of policy success and media dependence on its framing of issues. A strong challenge to the government led by labour and social justice groups failed in the face of state public relations, media silence, and internal dissension. Examination of a second strike in 2002 suggests that even without a crisis, the government continued its attack on labour. Résumé : Cet article examine le rôle clé de légitimation joué par les communications et les médias, ainsi que les efforts déployés pour calmer la main-d’œuvre, lors de l’exécution d’un projet hégémonique néo-libéral en Ontario en 1995. Une analyse de contenu médiatique et l’examen des stratégies communicationnelles du gouvernement ontarien lors de la grève du service public en 1996 montrent que le gouvernement a tenté de faire croire à une crise hégémonique et a suggéré que la main-d’œuvre s’opposait à l’intérêt public en entravant la résolution de la crise. La stratégie du gouvernement, qui consistait en de rapides attaques communicationnelles, a empêché l’opposition et les médias de faire leur travail, augmentant à la fois la dépendance que les médias avaient de la version gouvernementale des faits, et ainsi augmentant les chances de succès du gouvernement. Des groupes de main-d’œuvre et de justice sociale se sont fortement opposés au gouvernement, mais ont échoué face à la campagne de relations publiques de l’État, au silence des médias et à cause de différends internes. L’examen d’une seconde grève en 2002 suggère que, même sans crise, le gouvernement a continué à attaquer la main-d’œuvre syndiquée.


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