scholarly journals Managing Animal Welfare in Food Governance in Norway and Sweden: Challenges in Implementation and Coordination

Animals ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (7) ◽  
pp. 1899
Author(s):  
Frida Lundmark Hedman ◽  
Frode Veggeland ◽  
Ivar Vågsholm ◽  
Charlotte Berg

A key issue in food governance and public administration is achieving coordinated implementation of policies. This study addressed this issue by systematically comparing the governance of animal welfare in Norway and Sweden, using published papers, reports, and legal and other public information, combined with survey and interview data generated in a larger research project (ANIWEL). Governing animal welfare includes a number of issues that are relevant across different sectors and policy areas, such as ethical aspects, choice of legal tools, compliance mechanisms and achieving uniform control. Based on the challenges identified in coordinating animal welfare in Norway and Sweden, relevant organisational preconditions for achieving uniform and consistent compliance were assessed. The results showed that Sweden’s organisation may need more horizontal coordination, since its animal welfare management is divided between multiple organisational units (Swedish Board of Agriculture, National Food Agency and 21 regional County Administration Boards). Coordination in Norway is managed solely by the governmental agency Norwegian Food Safety Authority (NFSA), which has the full responsibility for inspection and control of food safety, animal health, plant health, as well as animal welfare. Thus, Norway has better preconditions than Sweden for achieving uniformity in animal welfare administration. However, in Norway, the safeguards for the rule of law might be an issue, due to NFSA acting as de facto “inspector”, “prosecutor” and “judge”.

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 4001-4010
Author(s):  
Anton Voitenko ◽  

The article presents the substantiation of theoretical provisions and the development of practical recommendations for improving the coordination of prosecuting bodies of Ukraine in the field of combating crime and corruption based on studying the features of such coordination. It is proposed to understand the coordinative activity of prosecuting bodies as the direct activities of prosecutors to the organization of interaction between public authorities and the prospect of achieving the goal based on compliance with the rule of law. It is established that coordination of law enforcement agencies, including prosecuting authorities, in the context of combating crime and corruption should be based on the principles of the rule of law, legality, independence and equality of the subjects which carry out coordination activities, the obligation to implement measures to combat crime and control the implementation, systematic and complete use of various forms of coordination activities, publicity and openness in implementation of coordination measures, independence of bodies involved in decision-making, based on the results of coordination activities, the responsibility of heads of prosecuting bodies for the results of high-quality and timely coordination of measures to combat crime and corruption. It is proved that properly organized relations between the prosecuting bodies give grounds for increasing the effectiveness of the implemented measures in combating crime and corruption. It is suggested that the prospects for further research improve the administrative legislation governing the activities of the prosecuting authorities of Ukraine in combating corruption.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Grimmelmann

2012 University of Illinois Law Review 405 (2012)In 2000, a group of American entrepreneurs moved to a former World War II anti-aircraft platform in the North Sea, seven miles off the British coast, and launched HavenCo, one of the strangest start-ups in Internet history. A former pirate radio broadcaster, Roy Bates, had occupied the platform in the 1960s, moved his family aboard, and declared it to be the sovereign Principality of Sealand. HavenCo's founders were opposed to governmental censorship and control of the Internet; by putting computer servers on Sealand, they planned to create a "data haven" for unpopular speech, safely beyond the reach of any other country. This article tells the full story of Sealand and HavenCo - and examines what they have to tell us about the nature of the rule of law in the age of the Internet.The story itself is fascinating enough: it includes pirate radio, shotguns and .50-caliber machine guns, rampant copyright infringement, a Red Bull skateboarding special, perpetual motion machines, and the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of State. But its implications for the rule of law are even more remarkable. Previous scholars have seen HavenCo as a straightforward challenge to the rule of law: by threatening to undermine national authority, HavenCo was implacably opposed to all law. As the fuller history shows, however, this story is too simplistic. HavenCo also depended on international law to recognize and protect Sealand, and on Sealand law to protect it from Sealand itself. Where others have seen HavenCo's failure as the triumph of traditional regulatory authorities over HavenCo, the article argues that in a very real sense, HavenCo failed not from too much law but from too little. The "law' that was supposed to keep HavenCo safe was law only in a thin, formalistic sense, disconnected from the human institutions that make and enforce law. But without those institutions, law does not work, as HavenCo discovered.


the wishes of the Government expressed in the form of legislation, or the extent to which it can interfere with the pursuit of those wishes. Until now it has been a commonplace of political thought that although the United Kingdom might not have a written constitution its unwritten constitution was nonetheless based on fundamental principles. Amongst these principles were the sovereignty of Parliament and the Rule of Law. The centrality within the United Kingdom constitution of the doctrine of Parliamentary sovereignty has traditionally meant that Parliament can make such law as it determines, but the validity of such an interpretation has been questioned by some. The justifications for such challenges to absolute Parliamentary sovereignty are based on the United Kingdom's membership of both the European Union and the Council of Europe with the implications of higher authorities than Parliament, in the former's legislation and the latter's endorsement of inalienable individual rights. As for the Rule of Law, although it is a notoriously amorphous concept, it has provided the courts with scope for challenging the actions of the executive and, indeed, to a more limited degree, the legislature. The mechanism through which the courts have previously exercised their burgeoning constitutional and, by definition, political role is judicial review by means of which they have asserted the right to subject the actions and operations of the executive to the gaze and control of the law in such a way as to prevent the executive from abusing its power. However, such power has been greatly extended by the enactment of the Human Rights Act (HRA) 1998. The Act only came into effect in October 2000 so the question remains as to how the courts will use the powers given to them under that Act. The remaining articles in this chapter will consider the wider political context within which the judiciary operate as well as focusing on the Rule of Law and the HRA 1998. In an article 'Law and democracy', published in the Spring 1995 edition of Public Law, Sir John Laws, Justice of the High Court, Queen's Bench Division, considered the appropriate role of judges within the constitution from the perspective of the judge (footnotes omitted).

2012 ◽  
pp. 54-65

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 213-235
Author(s):  
Nathan B. Oman

The rule of law and religion can act as commercial substitutes. Both can create the trust required for material prosperity. The rule of law simplifies social interactions, turning people into formal legal agents and generating a map of society that the state can observe and control, thus credibly committing to the enforcement of the legal rights demanded by impersonal markets. Religion, in contrast, embraces complex social identities. Within these communities, economic actors can monitor and sanction misbehavior. Both approaches have benefits and problems. The rule of law allows for trade among strangers, fostering peaceful pluralism. However, law breeds what Montesquieu called “a certain feeling for exact justice” that crowds out deeper forms of relation. Religious commerce fosters precisely such communities. Religious commerce, however, does not create bridges between strangers as effectively as the formal rule of law. Furthermore, the state tends to be suspicious of tight religious communities, particularly when they are commercially successful.


Temida ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-9
Author(s):  
Natasa Mrvic-Petrovic

The author emphasizes the most significant difficulties and disagreements in determining the notion of organized crime, which, on one hand, come as a result of a complexity and dynamism of a contemporary organized crime, and on the other hand, may lead to passing the inadequate legislation and/or the failure of actions against the organized crime. Pointing out to the differences between contemporary organized crime and theoretical definitions of it from the first decades of the 20th century, the author concludes that the answer to the organized crime should be systematic, and need to include the rule of law and the principles of division and control of state power. The author suggests that the changes are necessary within the present criminal legislature of Serbia. In these changes the emphasis need to be on the protection of victims rather than on special legal solutions and special court, prosecution and police units for suppression of organized crime.


2018 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 142-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura van der Meer ◽  
Ira Kasdan ◽  
Joan Galvin

Author(s):  
Samuel Freeman

Liberalism in politics is associated with nonauthoritarianism, the rule of law, constitutional government with limited powers, and the guarantee of civil and political liberties. A liberal society is tolerant of different religious, philosophical, and ethical doctrines and allows individuals to freely form and express their conscientious convictions and opinions on all matters and live according to their chosen purposes and life paths. In economic terms, liberalism is associated with an unplanned economy with free and competitive markets, as well as private ownership and control of productive resources. The basic institutions that are characteristic of a liberal society are constitutionalism and the rule of law; equal basic rights and liberties; formal equality of opportunity; free, competitive markets with private property in means of production; government’s obligation to provide public goods and a social minimum; and the fiduciary nature of political power to impartially provide for the public good. Liberals interpret these basic institutions differently. Classical liberalism regards extensive property rights and economic liberties as basic, while libertarians see all rights as property rights and as absolute. High liberalism regards economic liberties as subordinate to personal and political liberties and subject to regulation, with redistribution of income and wealth to mitigate gross inequalities and provide all citizens with adequate resources to guarantee the worth of their basic liberties and opportunities.


Author(s):  
Sherali Mukhammad Ugli Subkhonov ◽  

In the article, the rule of law is positioned as a universal principle of ensuring human rights, the main value of modern society. The history of formation, legal nature, the content of the rule of law as a principle, a legal phenomenon and a conceptual approach to modern human rights have been studied. Besides, the foreign experience of the implementation of the rule of law has been analyzed in the CIS countries, the European Council, the United States and researched mechanisms for ensuring the rule of law. The principle of the rule of law is presented as the only effective means of ensuring the inviolability of democracy, as well as one of its main features, and its provision and control is a guarantee of ensuring human rights to the extent that decent living conditions are created for every person.


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