scholarly journals The Other Great Migration: Southern Whites and the New Right

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Bazzi ◽  
Andreas Ferrara ◽  
Martin Fiszbein ◽  
Thomas Pearson ◽  
Patrick Testa
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Bazzi ◽  
Andreas Ferrara ◽  
Martin Fiszbein ◽  
Thomas Pearson ◽  
Patrick Testa
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Robert Garner

This chapter explains why the state and sovereignty are relevant to the study of politics. It first provides an empirical typology of the state, ranging from the minimalist night-watchman state, approximated to by nineteenth-century capitalist regimes at one end of the spectrum, to the totalitarian state of the twentieth century at the other. It then examines the distribution of power in the state by focusing on three major theories of the state: pluralism, elitism, Marxism, as well as New Right theory. The chapter seeks to demonstrate that the theories of the state identified can also be critiqued normatively, so that pluralism, for instance, can be challenged for its divisive character, as exemplified by identity politics. It then goes on to review different views about what the role of the state ought to be, from the minimalist state recommended by adherents of classical liberalism, to the pursuit of distinctive social objectives as recommended, in particular, by proponents of communitarianism. Finally, it discusses empirical and normative challenges to the state and asks whether the state’s days are numbered.


Author(s):  
Ernst van den Hemel

Abstract A widely shared but understudied characteristic of the rise of right-wing conservative populism (the New Right) is the emphasis on religious-cultural identity of the West. Using phrases like ‘Judeo-Christianity’, ‘Christian values’, or ‘Christian Leitkultur’ a variety of political actors have claimed that religious-cultural identity needs to be safeguarded and enshrined in policy. As this frame is gaining traction, the question arises what this emphasis on the public importance of religion entails for those who tend to see themselves as the guardians of religious-cultural identity. In particular this article focusses on the challenges this development creates for Christian Democratic political actors. On the one hand the emphasis on the importance of ‘christian traditions’ resonates with the historical position of christian democrats, on the other hand, there are important differences between traditional christian democracy and how the New Right speaks of religion. The main aim of this article is to outline how the rise of the New Right has created a contestation about what it means to represent christian cultural identity.


Author(s):  
Michael Bayerlein

AbstractThis article answers the question of why certain European mainstream parties have changed their policy positions on the GAL-TAN (Green/Alternative/Libertarian vs. Traditional/Authoritarian/Nationalist) dimension in recent years. I argue that these changes can be explained through the electoral success of new right-wing populist parties and the ideological proximity of conservative mainstream parties towards these parties. These arguments were tested with econometric models of mainstream parties’ policy positions in 11 Western European democracies between 2002 and 2019. The results indicate that mainstream parties chase the other “populist zeitgeist” by changing their policy positions on the GAL–TAN dimension in response to the electoral success of right-wing populist parties. Mainstream parties respond to this threat by closing the distance to these parties on the GAL–TAN dimension. However, this responsiveness is largely constrained to conservative mainstream parties. The findings have important implications for understanding mainstream party responsiveness towards rivalling right-wing populist parties.


Author(s):  
Becky Taylor

AbstractBritain’s response to the ‘boat people’ crisis, as Becky Taylor shows in this chapter, had at its heart a contradiction. On the one hand, Margaret Thatcher’s government was keen to be seen as an ally of the US in the Cold War, and still a leader on the international stage. On the other, the arrival of 19,000 Vietnamese ‘boat people’ after 1979 came at a time of growing anti-immigration rhetoric, Britain’s deepest recession for fifty years and just as Thatcher’s New Right government’s marketisation and anti-statist policies were being enacted. This chapter explores how the tension between these different elements shaped Britain’s reception of the ‘boat people’, in particular pointing to the central place of voluntary organisations and multiculturalism in the resettlement programme.


Author(s):  
Robert Garner

This chapter explains why the state and sovereignty are relevant to the study of politics. It first provides an empirical typology of the state, ranging from the minimalist night-watchman state, approximated to by nineteenth-century capitalist regimes at one end of the spectrum, to the totalitarian state of the twentieth century at the other. It then examines the distribution of power in the state by focusing on three major theories of the state: pluralism, elitism, Marxism, and the New Right theory. It also considers different views about what the role of the state ought to be, from the minimalist state recommended by adherents of classical liberalism, to the pursuit of distinctive social objectives as recommended, in particular, by proponents of communitarianism. Finally, it discusses empirical and normative challenges to the state and asks whether the state's days are numbered.


Author(s):  
Clara Marsan Raventós

This chapter describes today’s environment of telecommunications data, one where a permanent tension between security, on the one hand, and privacy, on the other, are in a fragile equilibrium. Against this background, the chapter explores the contours of a new right to digital privacy in Europe, a right that belongs to one’s personal development and freedom. Firstly, it looks at how it has been jurisprudentially conceived in Germany (in particular through the two recent cases on “on-line searches” [2008] and on the law implementing the Data Retention EC Directive [2010]). Secondly, it explores how this acquis on the right to digital privacy is increasingly present in other member states. Finally, it will be argued that an international agreement on the right to digital privacy should be put in place through the concurrence of all private (ITs) and public stakeholders involved. The latter should agree on the minimum content of this right, as well as on the different channels to enforce it (through legal remedies but also other mechanisms such as “privacy by design”).


Res Publica ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-211
Author(s):  
Staf Hellemans

In overviewing the (scant) empirical evidence gathered on and the literature written about New Social Movements (NSM's) in Belgium this article tries to buttress three general propositions. First, the NSM' highlight a general tendency among social movements today of a thoroughgoing dissociation of the mobilizational potential on the one hand and organizational (decision making) power on the other hand. Second, the NSM's in Belgium have helped substantially in raising participation levels, broadening the action repertoire of the citizens and changing the nature ofparticipation. Third, although participation levels in Belgium are still beneath the West-European averages, the NSM's consitute in Belgium - with the New Right as their direct opponent - a new cleavage line in an altogether weakening system of cleavages.


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