scholarly journals CONFLICT IN EASTERN UKRAINE AND ITS PSYCHOLOGICAL PECULIARITIES

Author(s):  
Vira Burdyak

The conflict that has been flaming up since 2014 in the East of Ukraine is a real multi-faceted war between Russia and Ukraine. It is also called the Anti-terrorist operation (ATO), Joint forces operation or “hybrid” war, as in Ukraine at the legislative level it has not been acknowledged as a war. When a war is defined as “hybrid” it is suggested that it is not a full-scale intervention of the Russian Federation and thus it is easier for many politician to justify their inactivity; just crossing the Ukrainian border, Russian forces take off chevrons and other identification marks. The West take advantage of this, pretending to be doubtful and, herewith, its reaction is reasonably less determined; and it vivifies “conspiracy theories” as to Putin’s probable allies. Legislative ambiguity generates not only enhancement of military threat, but also different psychological insinuation, which affect the conscious state of the Ukrainian society.

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Kamusella

Hybrid war: real casualties in UkraineThe Russo-Ukrainian war that broke out in 2014 in the wake of Russia’s annexation of Crimea continues to be all too rarely noticed in the West. Observers comment widely on the novel ‘hybrid’ character of warfare as developed and trialed by the Kremlin worldwide during the recent years, but pay scant attention to the Russian ‘training ground’ in eastern Ukraine. The article probes into the realities of the ongoing RussoUkrainian war, alongside the ideological underpinnings of the Kremlin’s intervention and Ukraine’s response to this attack. It appears that the Russian government adopted ethnolinguistic nationalism, typical of Central Europe, namely, that all Russian-speakers constitute the Russian nation, especially if their communities compactly inhabit areas directly bordering on the Russian Federation. Wojna hybrydowa: Prawdziwe ofiary wojny rosyjsko-ukraińskiejWojna rosyjsko-ukraińska, która wybuchła w 2014 r. w następstwie aneksji Krymu przez Rosję, jest nadal zbyt rzadko zauważana na Zachodzie. Obserwatorzy szeroko komentują „hybrydowy” charakter działań wojennych, wypracowywanych i wypróbowywanych przez Kreml po całym świecie w ciągu ostatnich lat, lecz nie zwracają uwagi na rosyjski „poligon doświadczalny” we wschodniej Ukrainie. Artykuł analizuje realia toczącej się tam wojny rosyjsko-ukraińskiej, jak i ideologiczne założenia interwencji militarnej Kremla oraz reakcję Ukrainy na tenże atak ze strony Rosji. Wydaje się, że rosyjski rząd przyjął jako uzasadnienie etnolingwistyczny nacjonalizm (typowy dla Europy Środkowej), a mianowicie, że wszystkie osoby rosyjskojęzyczne to członkowie narodu rosyjskiego, zwłaszcza jeśli ich społeczności zamieszkują tereny bezpośrednio graniczące z obszarem Federacji Rosyjskiej.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 96-115
Author(s):  
Holger Mölder ◽  
Vladimir Sazonov

Abstract The Russian Federation has a wide arsenal of tools at its disposal for conducting information warfare to achieve its strategic objectives in the ongoing status conflict with the West. The active exploitation of conspiracy theories has thrived since pro-Kremlin forces started armed conflict against Ukraine in 2013–2014. This article focuses on the crash of Flight MH17, widely used by the Russian media to fabricate various conspiracy theories which make out that the West and Ukraine are responsible for the disaster. This study examines several Russian outlets and TV channels and concludes that the Russian media often used falsified stories and emotional rhetoric in narratives they spread about the crash of Flight MH17. The narratives used to create these conspiracy theories claim that the incident was a Western provocation attempting to generate hostility towards Russia. In disseminating these kinds of conspiracy theories, the pro-Kremlin media created distrust against the West and the Ukrainian government among a larger audience and produced discomfort and disorientation about Western and Ukrainian news.


Author(s):  
Neziha Musaoğlu

Many important changes occurred in the Russian Federation's foreign policy since 2000s with Putin's coming to power. Although the foreign policy is defined as pragmatic during this period, it is in fact ideologically constructed on the basis of the concept of “sovereign democracy.” The concept constitutes in the same time the source of loyalty of the Russian reelpolitik towards the West, especially the USA and of the Russian anti-globalist policies. The aim of this chapter is to analyze the intellectual, normative, and conceptual dimensions of the “sovereign democracy” concept that could serve to conceive the foreign policy practice of the Russian Federation, on the one hand, and on the other hand its dialectical relationships with the West in the era of globalization.


Author(s):  
Zafer Yildirim

Ukraine's efforts to unite the EU since it gained independence caused some splits in the heterogeneous Ukrainian society. They induced discontent within the Russian Federation as well; because Russia considers itself the inheritor of the former United Soviet Socialist Republic. When Ukrainian President Yanukovych announced that the partnership treaty with the EU was suspended just before the due date for signing, a crisis broke out in Ukraine. Consequently, Yanukovych left the country. Russia reacted to the situation by invading Crimea. Moreover, the EU's Ukraine policy was not clear enough. The main objective of this study is to reveal if Russia was hindering Ukraine's integration to the EU or it was the motive for the process. There are different points of view on that matter. In this chapter, those points will be analyzed under the following subtitles: “Russian Politics of Ukraine”, “EU-Ukraine Relations”, and “EU-Russia Relations.”


European View ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-188
Author(s):  
Jakub Janda

The Russian Federation has become a rogue state in international relations, invading and occupying the territories of three European countries (Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine), waging war in the Ukrainian territory, producing massive disinformation campaigns against the West, threatening the Baltic republics, and interfering in various elections and referendums. Despite Russia’s aggressive behaviour, the West’s response to it has been significantly limited, particularly when it comes to non-military deterrence by Continental Europe. The US and the UK are leading the punishment of Russia’s aggression, while many countries, mainly in Western and Southern Europe, are hesitant to respond to this threat. This article makes recommendations as to what should be done in practical terms to boost the European portion of the Western response to Russian aggression from the political and policy points of view.


Author(s):  
Arturs Stalažs ◽  
Maksims Balalaikins

Abstract This work is intended as a country checklist of fruit flies Rhagoletis Loew, 1862 for Europe (including transcontinental countries - Kazakhstan and Turkey), based on recent records, wherein we recognise 15 Rhagoletis species, including five species occurring in the Asian part of Kazakhstan. During the past 10-15 years, three species, Rhagoletis batava Hering, 1958, R. cingulata (Loew, 1862), and R. completa Cresson, 1929, have rapidly expanded their distribution range in Europe. We traced the potential route of an aggressive R. batava population movement into Europe, and it is postulated that this R. batava race originated from Siberia. R. batava was initially documented outside its natural range in 2001 in the European part of the Russian Federation. Later, this species was recorded in other territories to the west of Russia - Belarus (2010), Latvia (2011), Lithuania (2012), Germany (2013), and Poland (2014). In Germany and Poland, R. batava probably has both native and alien status.


Author(s):  
Т. Г. Андрієвський

In this article the vulnerability of democratic states in the context of a hybrid war through the prism of political institutions and processes was considered. It is determined that the Russian Federation in its dissemination of hybrid threats pays special attention to the institute of direct democracy - elections as the main process of state functioning. Through disinformation campaigns and manipulations with democratic values and principles, the aggressor tries to weaken the opponents, undermine political systems from the inside, and exacerbate tension and polarization in society. The article analyzes the publication of the adviser to the president of the Russian Federation, Vladislav Surkov, in which the unequivocal threat to the Western democratic world order is expressed. An analysis of the statements of Surkov showed that modern liberal democracy is an extremely vulnerable mechanism, where the Russian Federation spreads chaos by manipulating. The aggressor focuses on the erosion of confidence in the government and the strengthening of populism. A similar result is achieved by spreading misinformation and manipulating information. It has been established that misinformation is intended to create an appropriate public opinion, which should correspond to the goals of the aggressor. It is established that the aggressor is interested in the elections as a process, and therefore the victory of a particular (pro-Russian) candidate is not so important for aggressor’s purposes. Therefore the process of voting is bringing to the point of absurdity, which would entail doubts about the result of such a procedure. Accordingly, the final result of such elections will be a political system without voter’s confidence. Narratives that are “thrown” into the information field are designed to disorient the voter as much as possible, to polarize society, which ultimately should cast doubt on the effectiveness of the electoral process. Therefore, Russian propaganda, through various channels, simultaneously criticizes all the political forces, even opposing in its ideology, or supports some of them (e.g. far-right or far-left populist movements).


Author(s):  
В.Є. Шамко

In the context of the Joint Forces operation in eastern Ukraine and the new challenges of the hybrid war on the part of the Russian Federation, there is an urgent need for finding possible ways of building an effective control system for a spatially distributed network-centered air defense missile cover system. The article presents a conceptual approach to the design of the structure that would be effective for controlling such a system, which is based on both the classical construction principles of control systems and the novel network-centric approach to design of control systems. The conceptual approach takes into account the peculiarities of building a spatially distributed tier of air defense missile cover.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document