scholarly journals Hybrid war: real casualties in Ukraine

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Kamusella

Hybrid war: real casualties in UkraineThe Russo-Ukrainian war that broke out in 2014 in the wake of Russia’s annexation of Crimea continues to be all too rarely noticed in the West. Observers comment widely on the novel ‘hybrid’ character of warfare as developed and trialed by the Kremlin worldwide during the recent years, but pay scant attention to the Russian ‘training ground’ in eastern Ukraine. The article probes into the realities of the ongoing RussoUkrainian war, alongside the ideological underpinnings of the Kremlin’s intervention and Ukraine’s response to this attack. It appears that the Russian government adopted ethnolinguistic nationalism, typical of Central Europe, namely, that all Russian-speakers constitute the Russian nation, especially if their communities compactly inhabit areas directly bordering on the Russian Federation. Wojna hybrydowa: Prawdziwe ofiary wojny rosyjsko-ukraińskiejWojna rosyjsko-ukraińska, która wybuchła w 2014 r. w następstwie aneksji Krymu przez Rosję, jest nadal zbyt rzadko zauważana na Zachodzie. Obserwatorzy szeroko komentują „hybrydowy” charakter działań wojennych, wypracowywanych i wypróbowywanych przez Kreml po całym świecie w ciągu ostatnich lat, lecz nie zwracają uwagi na rosyjski „poligon doświadczalny” we wschodniej Ukrainie. Artykuł analizuje realia toczącej się tam wojny rosyjsko-ukraińskiej, jak i ideologiczne założenia interwencji militarnej Kremla oraz reakcję Ukrainy na tenże atak ze strony Rosji. Wydaje się, że rosyjski rząd przyjął jako uzasadnienie etnolingwistyczny nacjonalizm (typowy dla Europy Środkowej), a mianowicie, że wszystkie osoby rosyjskojęzyczne to członkowie narodu rosyjskiego, zwłaszcza jeśli ich społeczności zamieszkują tereny bezpośrednio graniczące z obszarem Federacji Rosyjskiej.

Author(s):  
Tetiana Bondarieva

This article examines the novel of the famous Ukrainian writer Serhii Zhadan «ORPHANAGE» (2017) in terms of the implementation of the binary opposition «home / homelessness». The novel is written in travel genre and covers the events of the war between Ukraine and the Russian Federation in Donbass. It is the theme of the war and the genre of the work that creates the ground for the image of the characters outside their home: sometimes being homeless is not knowing whose side of the war your home is on. The article reveals the specifics of the topic of homelessness in a hybrid war in Ukraine using the intertextual research method. Paratextual analysis is involved: the meaning of the title of the novel, annotation, other extra-textual superstructures for revealing new meanings of the text in the discourse of the researched topic is analyzed. In particular, the linguistic material is partially analyzed taking into account the bilingual population of Donbass. Intertextual connections with the Bible, works by F. Dostoevskii, M. Bulgakov, intermediate components, etc. are revealed.


Nordlit ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Hordijk

The theme setting and particular relevance of artificial or man-made famines seems to come up in intervals, when tensions re-arise between ‘Western’ powers and Russia and seems to be useful for the purposes of ‘demonizing’ ‘Putin’—the current President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin (2000–2008; 2012–)—, ‘the Kremlin’, the Russian government; or simply ‘Russia’ in the eyes of ‘the West’. In recent years, the famine of 1932–1933 has reached new heights as a politicized event to be instrumentalized in a ‘memory war’ on many discursive levels (history, mass media, memorialization, etc.) between key-representatives of the current countries Ukraine and Russia (Hordijk 2018). This should, symptomatically, remind us of the sheer power that media narratives have in shaping public imaginations. The reviewed book: Anne Elizabeth Applebaum. Red Famine: Stalin’s War on Ukraine. ISBN-13: 978–0–241–00380–0. London: Allen Lane, September 2017. Hardcover; 512 pages; recommended retail price: £25.00.


Author(s):  
Vira Burdyak

The conflict that has been flaming up since 2014 in the East of Ukraine is a real multi-faceted war between Russia and Ukraine. It is also called the Anti-terrorist operation (ATO), Joint forces operation or “hybrid” war, as in Ukraine at the legislative level it has not been acknowledged as a war. When a war is defined as “hybrid” it is suggested that it is not a full-scale intervention of the Russian Federation and thus it is easier for many politician to justify their inactivity; just crossing the Ukrainian border, Russian forces take off chevrons and other identification marks. The West take advantage of this, pretending to be doubtful and, herewith, its reaction is reasonably less determined; and it vivifies “conspiracy theories” as to Putin’s probable allies. Legislative ambiguity generates not only enhancement of military threat, but also different psychological insinuation, which affect the conscious state of the Ukrainian society.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-78
Author(s):  
Marcin Orzechowski ◽  
Janusz Jartyś

In the article, the authors attempted to analyze the actions of the Russian Federation towards Ukraine. The research goal was to justify the hypothesis that in the case of Ukraine, the neo-imperial expansionist strategy in the post-Soviet area is implemented through the deconstruction of statehood as a result of a hybrid war. The authors try to answer the following questions: what consequences can such actions have for Poland and is there a real threat from Russia for the countries of Central Europe? As a result of the analysis, the authors managed to obtain affirmative answers to the above questions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 86 (2) ◽  
pp. 69-78
Author(s):  
S. N. Gusarova ◽  
Yu. M. Erokhina ◽  
D. I. Kramok ◽  
E. I. Khunuzidi

Since September 1, 2019, GOST ISO/IEC 17025–2019 has been enacted as a national standard in the Russian Federation. The novel standard imposes a number of fundamentally new requirements for testing laboratories (hereinafter referred to as the IL or laboratory), and also supplements and specifies the requirements previously regulated by GOST ISO/IEC 17025–2009. In this regard, in order to transfer laboratories to the new requirements, the FSA issued an order in August 2019 listing the mandatory activities that IL must fulfill to bring their activities in line with the new requirements. However, a transition period desired for matching these requirements is absent on a practical level for a number of the laboratories. The purpose of the article is to facilitate a gentle, efficient and pain-free move from the requirements of GOST ISO/IEC 17025–2009 to the new requirements of GOST ISO/IEC 17025–2019, including compliance with new changes in accreditation criteria. We carried out a comparative analysis of the requirements of the new and previous versions of the standard and marked each new and significant item to which the laboratory should pay attention first of all. The new standard focuses on the application of the process approach, risk and opportunity management, as well as on implementation of the policy of impartiality, independence, minimization of competitive interests and confidentiality. The article describes the planning, implementation and monitoring of each event or phase of the transition of testing laboratories to new requirements. Moreover, the recommendations on the structure of the «Quality Manual» and self-assessment on the compliance of IL activities and QMS with the new requirements, including the use of statistical methods for substantiation of the correctness of the assessment are given as an example of the implementation of IL capabilities.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brandon C. Halaychik

The Russian Federations drive to reestablish itself as a global power has severe security implications for the United States, its Arctic neighbors, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization as a whole. The former Commander of United States Naval Forces Europe Admiral Mark Ferguson noted that the re-militarization of Russian security policy in the Arctic is one of the most significant developments in the twenty-first century adding that Russia is creating an “Arc of steel from the Arctic to the Mediterranean” (Herbst 2016, 166). Although the Russian Federation postulates its expansion into the Arctic is for purely economic means, the reality of the military hardware being placed in the region by the Russians tells otherwise. Implementation of military hardware such as anti-air defenses is contrary to the stipulated purposes of the Russian Government in the region. Therefore is the Russian Federation building strategic military bases in the Arctic to challenge the United States hegemony due to the mistreatment against the Russians by the United States and NATO after the collapse of the Soviet Union.


Author(s):  
O. Kondratenko

The essence of the internal geopolitics of the Russian Federation (RF) and its influence on the foreign policy of Moscow is analyzed in the article. It was found that on the background of Russian nationalism the activation of separatist sentiments in the Russian national autonomies had occurred, particularly in the North Caucasus (Chechnia, Dahestan).Eventually, it caused two Chechen wars, as well as to the formation of dissatisfaction with the Center’s actions in Tatarstan, South and East Siberia and others. However, after internal politics and internal economy shocks of the 1990-th Russia has outlined a course to restore the status of a great state. An important factor for the Russian government is the support of its foreign policy by the population. It is traced that the level of electoral support of the Russian president entirely depends on the success of the Russian Federation on the international arena. Kremlin actively cultivates and uses imperial mood of society in order to justify the return of its “unjustly deprived” great power status. Therefore, governmental expansionist geostrategy obtains active support among theintelligentsia and broad social strata.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 365-378
Author(s):  
Andrzej Szabaciuk

The article aims to analyze the immigration politics of the Russian Federation from the perspective of the last three decades after the collapse of the Soviet Union. We have considered its importance from the point of view of the domestic and foreign policy of the state. Since 2000, with the beginning of Vladimir Putin’s first presidency, we have been observing a significant increase in the importance of the immigration policy of the Russian Federation, which was an important component of the Russian population policy and one of the key instruments to counteract the deepening depopulation of the state. However, the growing popularity of labor migration to the Russian Federation and the low effectiveness of managing migration flows resulted in a massive influx of irregular migrants, which have used some of the Russian political circles to fuel anti-immigration sentiments. Because of this politics, since 2007, we have been observing a gradual departure from the earlier model of immigration policy, open to labor migration from the Commonwealth of Independent States, towards a policy limiting the influx of Muslim migrants from Central Asia. At the same time Russian government have invited Russian-speaking people from the post-Soviet area to settle in Russia. The introduced restrictions allowed the Russian Federation to use the facilitation of access to the Russian labor market as an instrument encouraging the political and economic integration of the post-Soviet states within the structures controlled by the Russian Federation. The increase in the political component of immigration policy did not change the fact that it was thanks to the influx of people from the post-Soviet area that Russia avoided the depopulation that is currently observed in Ukraine. Analyzing the situation of the Russian Federation and its politics towards the post-Soviet region, the realistic paradigm was used as it best reflects the specificity of the region.


Author(s):  
Neziha Musaoğlu

Many important changes occurred in the Russian Federation's foreign policy since 2000s with Putin's coming to power. Although the foreign policy is defined as pragmatic during this period, it is in fact ideologically constructed on the basis of the concept of “sovereign democracy.” The concept constitutes in the same time the source of loyalty of the Russian reelpolitik towards the West, especially the USA and of the Russian anti-globalist policies. The aim of this chapter is to analyze the intellectual, normative, and conceptual dimensions of the “sovereign democracy” concept that could serve to conceive the foreign policy practice of the Russian Federation, on the one hand, and on the other hand its dialectical relationships with the West in the era of globalization.


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