scholarly journals RUSSIA: FROM COLD WAR VIA “PEACE DIVIDEND” TO HYBRID WAR IN EUROPE. HOW TO RECONCILE EUROPE'S STRATEGIC INTERESTS WITH RUSSIA'S LEGITIMATE INTERESTS

Author(s):  
Crăişor IONIŢĂ

Abstract: As of today, Europe has to face new asymmetric threats, including Hybrid Warfare, terrorist attacks, and illegal migration that transcend the common security aspects and have further roots beyond its borders, in unsolved hot spot areas, like Eastern and Southern neighbourhood. For many military theorists, the Ukrainian Crisis represented a huge opportunity to restart debates regarding hybridity in future warfare. Some definitions and conceptual elements regarding hybrid threats and hybrid challenges have been developed since the Second Lebanon War of 2006 and were improved after the 2008 Chechen War. Hybrid Warfare theory has been developed by Russia since 2004, as the future conflict concept to counter NATO’s expansion to the East and the installation of the US Anti-Missile Shield in Europe. meanwhile, Western Governments has defined the hybrid threat as an issue rather than as an operating concept that requires a solution. as a result, up to now no American National Strategy or doctrine has incorporated this theory as a new form of future conflicts. In conjunction with reviewing and adjusting strategies and war fighting concepts, the defence community must re-evaluate the force structure needed for future conflicts and build adequate capabilities. With a wider range of threats that may require the need to employ various capabilities simultaneously, NATO and member states must continue their efforts to strive for greater joint operations and possibly inter-dependence. With EU support, they must transform their industrial-era organizational structures into more agile, information-, and knowledge-based enterprises, which requires a large investment in ideas, technology, and people.

Author(s):  
Ofer Fridman

During the last decade, 'Hybrid Warfare' has become a novel yet controversial term in academic, political and professional military lexicons, intended to suggest some sort of mix between different military and non-military means and methods of confrontation. Enthusiastic discussion of the notion has been undermined by conceptual vagueness and political manipulation, particularly since the onset of the Ukrainian crisis in early 2014, as ideas about Hybrid Warfare engulf Russia and the West, especially in the media. Western defense and political specialists analyzing Russian responses to the crisis have been quick to confirm that Hybrid Warfare is the Kremlin's main strategy in the twenty-first century. But many respected Russian strategists and political observers contend that it is the West that has been waging Hybrid War, Gibridnaya Voyna, since the end of the Cold War. In this highly topical book, Ofer Fridman offers a clear delineation of the conceptual debates about Hybrid Warfare. What leads Russian experts to say that the West is conducting a Gibridnaya Voyna against Russia, and what do they mean by it? Why do Western observers claim that the Kremlin engages in Hybrid Warfare? And, beyond terminology, is this something genuinely new?


2020 ◽  
Vol 1(14)/2020 (1(14)/2020) ◽  
pp. 25-43
Author(s):  
Crăişor C. IONIŢĂ

Currently, Europe has to face new risks and threats, including terrorist attacks, illegal migration, and hybrid warfare that transcend the common security aspects and have further roots beyond its borders, in unsolved hot spot areas, like Eastern and Southern neighbourhood. Today rapid developments in the political and economic fields made terrorism a common problem for all the countries in the world. This is also true for European countries because, with the Madrid bombing of the Atocha Rail Station, where, for the first time in the history of terrorism, two organizations were involved together (Al Qaida and ETA) in committing a violent action, we can speak about the internationalisation of terror and the shift of its political objectives towards those nations supporting the United States in the International War on Terror. Since the 2014 Ukrainian crisis and Syrian conflict, including here military actions to counter the Salafi Jihadist militant group and alleged former Al Qaida affiliate in the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), a period of increased Islamic terrorist activity has taken place in Europe, often referred to as the Wave of Terror in Europe. Terrorists employed a wide range of tactics to support implementation of their overall strategies. In Europe, as we saw in the past events, terrorist organisations have mostly been employing old tactics such as bombing, arson, assassination and suicide attack to achieve their goals. The big issue for terror in Europe is the mix of some of these classical acts with new methods including the use of computer devices, driving transportation means against crowds, shooting and stabbing their targets, in order to transmit proposed messages. The European security context forced more and more European states to take “hard” measures for eliminating the danger of those terrorist organizations. A lot of books have been written and many analyses have been made since the 90s. However, the terrorists modify their tactics and weapons according to new conditions. Moreover, they co-operate with each other and gain a more Mafia like characteristic. Even, terrorist organizations and other crime organizations are going faster than the sovereign countries in the field of cooperation. Consequently, the terrorist organizations, instead of being annihilated, gain more power, with every countermeasure.


2009 ◽  
pp. 5-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sondra Cuban

Social practice research can be seen to illuminate the practices of marginalised learners in ‘borderlands’, areas outside of formal educational frameworks. This paper examines the issues and challenges of social practice researchers as they explore borderlands logic set against a critique of the prevailing skills-based educational philosophies that dominate in the knowledge-based economies of the US and England. Social practice research highlights meaning-making through a wide-angled view of the learning contexts of marginalised groups. This paper introduces the themes and sets the scene in a series of papers in this volume from leading social practice researchers.


Author(s):  
O. A. Shabas ◽  
◽  
P. M. Shekhavtsova ◽  

This article describes the concept of „euphemism” in the Spanish-language media in the context of the information-hybrid war in the eastern part of Ukraine. We have investigated the ways of the emergence and spread of euphemisms in the sphere of the Spanish-speaking environment. We also analyzed the concept of "information-hybrid warfare", which is constantly used in everyday politics, especially considering the situation in the east of Ukraine, to designate a deliberately negative, inappropriate, informational impact of one state to another due to various psychological manipulations. In addition, in our research work we found out that Western media, as well as Spanish, usually use more laconic or simplified speech to present information concerning other states. At any rate, we figured out that most of the Spanish publishers try to be more delicate and objective in informing people of the country by looking at the situation from different angles. By analyzing journalistic materials contained in Spanish publicistic sources, we identified politically correct innovations, regarding the armed conflict in Eastern Ukraine, which were mostly adopted. Based on the example of one of the Spanish publishing house articles of Universidad de Navarra, we created a comparative table, based on which we divided the euphemistic expressions used by Spanish journalists into 2 main linguistic groups. The first group includes veiled expressions, and the other - the replacement of veiled units with words with a direct meaning in the context of the article, but still in a more relaxed sense. Eventually, euphemisms have become an integral part of military journalism in the context of information-hybrid warfare, which have gained particular popularity in the last decade.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 297-330 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Kerwin ◽  
Robert Warren

The conventional wisdom holds that the only point of consensus in the fractious US immigration debate is that the system is broken. Yet, the US public has consistently expressed a desire for a legal and orderly immigration system that serves compelling national interests. This paper describes how to create such a system. It focuses on the cornerstone of immigration reform,1 the legal immigration system,2 and addresses the widespread belief that broad reform will incentivize illegal migration and ultimately lead to another large undocumented population. The paper begins with an analysis of presidential signing statements on seminal immigration legislation over nearly a century. These statements reveal broad consensus on the interests and values that the United States seeks to advance through its immigration and refugee policies. They constitute additional common ground in the immigration debate. To serve these interests, immigration and refugee considerations must be “mainstreamed” into other policy processes. In addition, its policies will be more successful if they are seen to benefit or, at least, not to discriminate against migrant-sending states. Not surprisingly, the US immigration system does not reflect the vast, mostly unanticipated changes in the nation and the world since Congress last meaningfully reformed this system (27 years ago) and last overhauled the law (52 years ago). The paper does not detail the well-documented ways that US immigration laws fall short of serving the nation's economic, family, humanitarian, and rule of law objectives. Nor does it propose specific changes in categories and levels of admission. Rather, it describes how a legal immigration system might be broadly structured to deliver on its promises. In particular, it makes the case that Congress should create a flexible system that serves compelling national interests, allows for real time adjustments in admission based on evidence and independent analysis, and vests the executive with appropriate discretion in administering the law. The paper also argues that the United States should anticipate and accommodate the needs of persons compelled to migrate by its military, trade, development, and other commitments. In addition, the US immigration system needs to be able to distinguish between undocumented immigrants, and refugees and asylum seekers, and to treat these two populations differently. The paper assumes that there will be continued bipartisan support for immigration enforcement. However, even with a strong enforcement apparatus in place and an adaptable, coherent, evidence-based legal immigration system that closely aligns with US interests, some (reduced) level of illegal migration will persist. The paper offers a sweeping, historical analysis of how this population emerged, why it has grown and contracted, and how estimates of its size have been politically exploited. Legalization is often viewed as the third rail of immigration reform. Yet, Congress has regularly legalized discrete undocumented populations, and the combination of a well-structured legalization program, strengthened legal immigration system, and strong enforcement policies can prevent the reemergence of a large-scale undocumented population. In contrast, the immense US enforcement apparatus will work at cross-purposes to US interests and values, absent broader reform. The paper ends with a series of recommendations to reform the legal immigration system, downsize the current undocumented population, and ensure its permanent reduction. It proposes that the United States “reissue” (or reuse) the visas of persons who emigrate, as a way to promote legal immigration reform without significantly increasing annual visa numbers.


2011 ◽  
pp. 1206-1212
Author(s):  
Meliha Handzic

The world is currently experiencing a period of major change. The emerging new world is variously referred to as the third wave, the information age, the information society, or the knowledge-based economy. Regardless of the terminology used, what matters is that the new social, political, and economic world is globalized, based on the production, distribution, and use of knowledge, and is heavily reliant on information and communication technology (Handzic, 2004a). It is also characterized by increased complexity, uncertainty, and surprises. Some analysts like Raich (2000) think of it as a period of living in the centre of the “Bermuda Triangle” where individuals, organizations, and societies have to deal with the increasing turbulence and speed of change in order to progress. The rise of the information society has brought major changes in citizen and business expectations, as well as organizational structures, cultures, and work processes. To remain responsive to the changing needs of their constituents, governments increasingly have to adopt information society tools and working practices. Essentially, they have to use information and communication technology (ICT) as tools in private and public sector renewal, develop information industry, maintain high level of professional expertise in ICT, provide opportunities to use information society services and have information infrastructure capable of providing such services. The purpose of this article is to explore how these processes are helping in rebuilding Bosnia-Herzegovina.


The Drone Age ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 96-130
Author(s):  
Michael J. Boyle

Chapter 4 argues that drones accelerate the trend toward information-rich warfare and place enormous pressure on the military to learn ever more about the battlefields that it faces. Today, for the United States, war is increasingly a contest for information about any future battlespace. This has had an organizational effect as the ability for the United States to know more through drone imagery has turned into a necessity to know more. The US military is becoming so enamored of its ability to know more through drone surveillance that it is overlooking the operational and organizational costs of “collecting the whole haystack.” Using drones for a vast surveillance apparatus, as the United States and now other countries have been doing, has underappreciated implications for the workload, organizational structures, and culture of the military itself.


foresight ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (5/6) ◽  
pp. 617-632
Author(s):  
Shelly L. Freyn ◽  
Fred Farley

Purpose This paper aims to illustrate how integrating competitive intelligence (CI) into a US health-care firm can aid in information sharing and building knowledge for the organization. Design/methodology/approach This study is exploratory using a systematic literature review to develop a conceptual model applied to the US health-care industry. Findings This research presents key propositions of CI’s role in the CI process along with the C-suite’s role in supporting a process and culture to ultimately, gain competitive advantage through the knowledge-based view. Practical implications With the growing volume of data, a unified system and culture within a firm is paramount. The US health-care system is a privatized industry that has become more competitive stifling information sharing. The need for prompt and accurate decision-making has become an imperative. Crises, like the current COVID-19 pandemic, only exacerbate the issue. This model offers a blue print for executives to build a CI function and encourage information sharing. Originality/value Previous research has focused on the CI process and its value. Yet, little research is found on how to integrate CI into a firm and its role through the CI process. This study builds a conceptual model addressing integration and the flow of information to knowledge along with key firm dynamics to nurture the function. Although the model is applied specifically to US health care, it offers application to most any industry.


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