Attitudes towards Income and Wealth Inequality and Support for Scottish Independence over Time and the Interaction with National Identity

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claire L. Niedzwiedz ◽  
Mor Kandlik-Eltanani

As the Scottish independence referendum is drawing near, the importance of understanding public attitudes that influence support for independence is increasing. The relationship between attitudes towards social inequality and support for independence is not well understood. Using data from the Scottish Social Attitudes Survey, we empirically analysed the relationship between attitudes towards income and wealth inequality, taxation, and income redistribution and support for independence over time. Further, we examined to what extent party identification explained the findings and the interaction between attitudes towards social inequality and national identity. Individuals who held more left-wing attitudes towards social inequality were more likely to support independence and the associations were stronger among individuals identifying as more Scottish. Over time, the associations remained relatively consistent. Party identification explained some, but not all of the associations. There was evidence to suggest that having a positive attitude towards the government's role in income redistribution may be becoming more important for independence support in recent years, especially among the more Scottish groups. The opposite was found for general attitudes towards wealth inequality. Further analysis is required to investigate whether these trends continue as the campaigns for and against independence become more active.

Author(s):  
Rose Lindsey ◽  
John Mohan ◽  
Sarah Bulloch ◽  
Elizabeth Metcalfe

This chapter reviews existing research on attitudes to voluntary action. Despite the importance of this topic, public attitudes have received even less consistent consideration over time than voluntary action itself. This chapter summarises information from the National Survey of Volunteering (1981 and 1991) and the British Social Attitudes Surveys (from the 1990s) on the virtues of voluntarism, and the relationship between voluntary action and government policy. However, given the later gaps in the statistical record, the emphasis in the chapter is firmly upon two key Mass Observation Project directives, implemented 16 years apart, in 1996 and 2012. Writers have a strong sense of where the boundary should lie between statutory responsibility and voluntary initiative; and demonstrate particular concerns of and criticisms about the use of volunteers to substitute for paid staff, and to undercut the position of the lowest-paid members of society. Writers also discuss strong concerns about the ways in which governments take the contribution of volunteers for granted, leading to scepticism about individual and community capacities to take on further social responsibilities. We argue that the rationales on which appeals for greater voluntary effort are made are crucial to the success of these appeals.


2016 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 331-350
Author(s):  
Ana Cristina Pereira

Portuguese national identity has been constructed over time, across various media, including the cinema, in contrast to the identity of an African “other”, who is simultaneously close and distant, an heir and a challenger, an object of seduction and repulsion. These dualities are reflected in Miguel Gomes’ Tabu (2012), which reifies and questions various representations. It is a post-colonial film which reflects about the way how stereotypes and social and “racial” representations created during colonialism have repercussions on present-day Portuguese society. The film offers a critical vision of a certain Portuguese elite in Africa and the manner in which this elite experienced the War for Independence, confronting this period in Portuguese history with the present day.The director’s filmic discourse is analysed using a multimodal semiotic approach: an analysis of Tabu, taking into account the processes of categorisation, either in terms of inclusion or exclusion. The texts present a dialogic interpretation of semiotic resources, such as rhythm, composition, informal linking and dialogues. The goal of this multimodal analysis is to understand the representation of the African “other” in the film and how Portuguese identity is constructed in the relationship to this other.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kwang-Yeong Shin

Abstract This paper attempts to provide a new approach to social inequality, focusing on income and wealth inequality and the relationship between income inequality and wealth inequality. With an analysis of the data linking survey data with administrative data in South Korea, this paper reports that wealth, employment status, family size, and education are significant contributors to income inequality. However, income and loans are the two most significant factors contributing to wealth inequality. Income derived from economic activity and loans based on the leverage in the financial market have exacerbated wealth inequality as higher income groups tend to utilize more loans in the financialized economy, widening the gap between the rich and the poor. Wealth inequality has different dynamics from income inequality, mediated through leverage in South Korea.


1969 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 498-514 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard W. Boyd

This paper proposes and tests a modest theory of voting defection, the act of voting contrary to party identification. The relevance of voting defection to popular control of government is clear. Except for the infrequent elections that Key calls “critical,” the identification of people with their parties is very stable over time. The percentage of Democrats and Republicans in the electorate changed only slightly in the four presidential elections from 1952 to 1964. Short term shifts in public attitudes, then, are reflected not in shifts in the distribution of party identification, but in the degree that people vote in accordance with their identification. When they are disenchanted with the President, defection will be high among members of the opposition party and low among members of the party in office. In 1952 people were weary of the Korean War; this weariness was apparent in the massive numbers of Democrats who thought Eisenhower a man capable of ending the conflict and who backed up their convictions with Republican votes. In short, in the rate of defection we have a mirror that reflects popular discontent with the politics of the President. My present concern is to explore some personal attributes of the voters who make up this critical electorate, to augment the propositions surrounding party identification with one explanation of why it is that people vote contrary to their party allegiance.


2015 ◽  
Vol 61 (5) ◽  
pp. 997-1020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gustavo A. Flores-Macías ◽  
Sarah E. Kreps

How does the way states finance wars affect public support for conflict? Most existing research has focused on costs as casualties rather than financial burdens, and arguments that do speak to the cost in treasure either minimize potential differences between the two main forms of war finance—debt and taxes—or imply that war taxes do not dent support for war among a populace rallying around the fiscal flag. Using original experiments conducted in the United States and the United Kingdom, we evaluate the relationship between war finance and support for war. We find that how states finance wars has an important effect on support for war and that the gap in support resulting from different modes of war finance holds across the main democracies engaging in conflict, regardless of the type of war or individuals’ party identification. The findings have important implications for theories of democratic accountability in wartime and the conduct of conflict, since borrowing shields the public from the direct costs of war and in turn reduces opposition to it, giving leaders greater latitude in how they carry out war.


2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 615-644 ◽  
Author(s):  
Livio Di Matteo

The relationship between economic performance and wealth inequality at a regional level is examined using county-level wealth for Ontario in 1892 and 1902. The results find that after controlling for confounding factors, declining wealth inequality was generally accompanied by slower economic performance as measured by changes in wealth levels and manufacturing output over time. This suggests that a more egalitarian wealth distribution came perhaps at the price of less robust economic performance.


2013 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 82-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sophie von Stumm

Intelligence-as-knowledge in adulthood is influenced by individual differences in intelligence-as-process (i.e., fluid intelligence) and in personality traits that determine when, where, and how people invest their intelligence over time. Here, the relationship between two investment traits (i.e., Openness to Experience and Need for Cognition), intelligence-as-process and intelligence-as-knowledge, as assessed by a battery of crystallized intelligence tests and a new knowledge measure, was examined. The results showed that (1) both investment traits were positively associated with intelligence-as-knowledge; (2) this effect was stronger for Openness to Experience than for Need for Cognition; and (3) associations between investment and intelligence-as-knowledge reduced when adjusting for intelligence-as-process but remained mostly significant.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 135-141
Author(s):  
Kenneth D. Locke

Abstract. Person–job (or needs–supplies) discrepancy/fit theories posit that job satisfaction depends on work supplying what employees want and thus expect associations between having supervisory power and job satisfaction to be more positive in individuals who value power and in societies that endorse power values and power distance (e.g., respecting/obeying superiors). Using multilevel modeling on 30,683 European Social Survey respondents from 31 countries revealed that overseeing supervisees was positively associated with job satisfaction, and as hypothesized, this association was stronger among individuals with stronger power values and in nations with greater levels of power values or power distance. The results suggest that workplace power can have a meaningful impact on job satisfaction, especially over time in individuals or societies that esteem power.


Author(s):  
Melanie K. T. Takarangi ◽  
Deryn Strange

When people are told that their negative memories are worse than other people’s, do they later remember those events differently? We asked participants to recall a recent negative memory then, 24 h later, we gave some participants feedback about the emotional impact of their event – stating it was more or less negative compared to other people’s experiences. One week later, participants recalled the event again. We predicted that if feedback affected how participants remembered their negative experiences, their ratings of the memory’s characteristics should change over time. That is, when participants are told that their negative event is extremely negative, their memories should be more vivid, recollected strongly, and remembered from a personal perspective, compared to participants in the other conditions. Our results provide support for this hypothesis. We suggest that external feedback might be a potential mechanism in the relationship between negative memories and psychological well-being.


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