A Retrospect on the Limits of Postcolonial Studies

CounterText ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benita Parry

Benita Parry here examines the political horizons of postcolonial studies, arguing for the crucial role of Marxism in sustaining the revolutionary impetus of postcolonialist thought. Addressing the career of the late Edward W. Said, Parry points out that while Said's approach to criticism may initially have been philological, political purpose and direction were ‘thrust upon him’ through the situation of his native Palestine in the 1970s, together with the retreat from radicalism within academia. The Said of this period thus urged upon intellectuals the need to engage with injustice and oppression. Parry writes of Said's ‘circuitous journey’ that returned him, in his later works, to a critical approach that eschewed the political, and aimed to contain conflict through his notion of the ‘contrapuntal.’ While Said, with many postcolonial critics, did not subscribe to Marxism, Parry suggests that his work retained a thoughtful and complex respect for Marxists such as Lukács, Goldmann, Raymond Williams, and Adorno. For Parry, Said's repudiation of Marxism is ‘of a different order’ from that of other postcolonial critics who drag revolutionary figures such as Fanon and Gramsci into their own agenda by attempting to stabilise and attune their thought to the ‘centre-left’. Parry goes on to criticise the editors of The Postcolonial Gramsci, for positing Marxist thinking as a restricting framework from which the editors aim to liberate Gramsci's writing. For Parry, these reappraisals of revolutionary thinkers constitute a new form of recuperative criticism that she terms ‘the rights of misprision’. If this is a strategy for ‘draining Marxist and indeed all left thought of its revolutionary impulses and energies’, Parry insists, ‘it is one to be resisted and countered, not in the interests of a sterile rigour, but – in Benjamin's words – to rescue the past and the dead, and a tradition and its receivers, from being overpowered by conformism’.

1994 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-249
Author(s):  
Douglas Morgan

“I have felt like working three times as hard as ever since I came to understand that my Lord was coming back again,” reported revivalist Dwight L. Moody, the most prominent of nineteenth-century premillennialists. Moody's testimony to the motivating power of premillennialism points to the crucial role of that eschatology in conservative Protestantism since the late nineteenth century—a role delineated by several studies within the past twenty-five years. As a comprehensive interpretation of history which gives meaning and pattern to past, present, and future, and a role for the believer in the outworking of the divine program, premillennialism has been a driving force in the fundamentalistand evangelical movements.


2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-62 ◽  
Author(s):  

How can we understand German-Russian relations since German reunification? Both the geopolitical positions of the two states and the political and economic ties between them have been transformed over the past twentyfive years. This paper will argue, however, that the role of the two countries’ leaders in shaping these relations has been surprisingly important. Building on the tradition of “first image” analysis in international relations, this paper shows that, along with larger political and economic trends, personal relations between these leaders have helped to set the tenor of bilateral ties. When the leaders were able to build trust and personal friendships, relations improved. Yet more recently, since 2012, relations have soured sharply. While there are obviously larger reasons for this, more negative personal ties between leaders have also played an important role. In short, just as issues of trust and friendship matter in personal ties, they also matter in International Relations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-36
Author(s):  
Ridwan - Mubarok

For every Muslim, the role of civilization is identical to authentic mission as a leader as a leader in this earth, whose role is greater than leading a province or country. The participation of ulama, dai or da'wah movements in the political sphere is his right, but the missionary movement or organization must also be aware of and be aware of people or persons who want to manipulate da'wah as a vehicle for world politics. Da'wah movements or dai must be able to use various life instruments that exist today for the sake of da'wah. Ulama and the da'i who join in the organization movement or da'wah movement, must realize that they are part of the chain of struggle of the people. Now is the time for da'i or ulama to proclaim themselves from the past fetters that castrated the political life of the scholars.Bagi setiap muslim, peran peradaban identik dengan misi otentik sebagai pemimpin sebagai pemimpin dimuka bumi ini, yang perannya lebih besar dibandingkan memimpin sebuah provinsi atau negara. Keikutsertaan para ulama, dai atau gerakan dakwah dalam ranah politik merupakan haknya, akan tetapi gerakan atau organisasi dakwah juga harus menyadari serta mewaspadai terhadap orang atau oknum yang hendak memperalat dakwah sebagai kendaraan politik dunia. Gerakan dakwah ataupun para dai harus dapat menggunakan berbagai instrument kehidupan yang ada saat ini untuk kepentingan dakwah. Ulama maupun para da’i yang bergabung dalam gerakan organisasi atau gerakan dakwah, harus menyadari bahwasanya dirinya merupakan bagian dari mata rantai perjuangan umat. Kini sudah saatnya para da’i ataupun ulama dapat memproklamirkan diri dari belenggu masa lalu yang mengebiri kehidupan politik para ulama, PPP menjadi salah satu alternatif.


Author(s):  
Paul Earlie

This book offers a detailed account of the importance of psychoanalysis in Derrida’s thought. Based on close readings of texts from the whole of his career, including less well-known and previously unpublished material, it sheds new light on the crucial role of psychoanalysis in shaping Derrida’s response to a number of key questions. These questions range from the psyche’s relationship to technology to the role of fiction and metaphor in scientific discourse, from the relationship between memory and the archive to the status of the political in deconstruction. Focusing on Freud but proposing new readings of texts by Lacan, Torok, and Abraham, Laplanche and Pontalis, amongst other seminal figures in contemporary French thought, the book argues that Derrida’s writings on psychoanalysis can also provide an important bridge between deconstruction and the recent materialist turn in the humanities. Challenging a still prevalent ‘textualist’ reading of Derrida’s work, it explores the ongoing contribution of deconstruction and psychoanalysis to pressing issues in critical thought today, from the localizing models of the neurosciences and the omnipresence of digital technology to the politics of affect in an age of terror.


2016 ◽  
pp. 84
Author(s):  
Karim Azizi ◽  
Thibault Darcillon

During the past thirty years, U.S. economic growth has disproportionately benefited the richest percentiles of the American population, i.e., the top income earners. Although this phenomenon is difficult to explain from a “standard” political economy perspective (i.e., majority voting), recent literature emphasizes the role of consumer credit as a means of circumventing costly public redistribution. According to this theory, most OECD and, notably, American policymakers should have facilitated middleclass and low-income households’ access to consumer credit to cushion the effects of increased income inequality (i.e., an increased share of GDP held by top earners). Our contribution to this literature is to argue that increases in inequality (as measured by expansions in the share of GDP held by top income earners) should be associated with aggregate consumption increases. Indeed, in response to increased inequality, easy credit policies stimulate low-income and middle-class consumption, which contributes to an increased aggregate consumption level. Using a panel dataset of 20 developed OECD economies between 1980 and 2007, we show that such increases in inequality are actually associated with expansions of aggregate consumption. Finally, when computing marginal effects, we conclude that these expansions increase with the size of the financial sector.


Author(s):  
Jon D. Wisman

Whereas President Barack Obama identified inequality as “the defining challenge of our time,” this book claims more: it is the defining issue of all human history. The struggle over inequality has been the underlying force driving human history’s unfolding. Drawing on the dynamics of inequality, this book reinterprets history and society. Beyond according inequality the central role in human history, this book is novel in two other respects. First, transcending the general failure of social scientists and historians to anchor their work in explicit theories of human behavior, this book grounds the origins and dynamics of inequality in evolutionary psychology, or, more specifically, Darwin’s theory of sexual selection. Second, this book is novel in according central importance to the critical historical role of ideology in legitimating inequality, a role typically ignored or given little attention by social scientists and historians. Because of the central role of inequality in history, inequality’s explosion over the past 45 years has not been an anomaly. It is a return to the political dynamics by which elites have, since the rise of the state, taken practically everything for themselves, leaving all others with little more than the means with which to survive. Due to elites’ persuasive ideology, even after workers in advanced capitalist countries gained the franchise to become the overwhelming majority of voters, inequality continued to increase. The anomaly is that the only intentional politically driven decline in inequality occurred between the 1930s and 1970s following the Great Depression’s partial delegitimation (this should remain delegitimation globally) of elites’ ideology.


2008 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 5
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Kidder

The Veterans Health Administration (VHA) is the largest integrated health system in the U.S. with 7.9 million U.S. veterans enrolled.  Both the number of veterans seeking VHA health services and the cost of delivering such services continue to rise as a result of myriad factors. Kidder examines VHA funding outcomes over the past 10 years in light of the participation of veterans' service organizations (VSOs) in committee hearings; the reliance of lawmakers upon The Independent Budget (IB); and the impact of new performance-based management initiatives on budget outcomes.  Her article highlights the political nature of the VHA budget and the influential role of VSOs in funding outcomes.


2021 ◽  
Vol 295 ◽  
pp. 01037
Author(s):  
Marina Reshetnikova ◽  
Irina Pugacheva ◽  
Yulia Lukina

Over the past few years, biotechnology has become one of the most promising sectors of the economy. The biotech industry has been a vital instrument in developing and supplying COVID-19 vaccines in record time. The article discusses global trends in technology development in this area. The major players in the global biotechnology market have been identified, and the positions of Germany have been determined. The authors defined a crucial role of the biotech sector in German innovation and discuss the main trends in the growth of the German biotechnology market with a volume forecast of biotechnology output in Germany for 2020–2023.


Problemos ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 83 ◽  
pp. 159-172
Author(s):  
Kristupas Sabolius

Straipsnyje nagrinėjamos su vaizdo statuso pokyčiu šiuolaikiniame pasaulyje susijusios problemos. Naujųjų technologijų eroje sapnai ir svajonės gali būti produkuojami, klasifikuojami ir įdiegiami į juos patiriančią sąmonę. Remiantis Deleuze’o, Horkheimerio ir Adorno, Candau bei Žižeko darbais diagnozuojama, kad vizualumo ir kultūros industrijų įsigalėjimas užtvindo sąmonę Kito sapnais, tokiu būdu dubliuojant jau Kanto vaizduotei priskiriamą transcendentalinio schemiškumo funkciją. Šiuos procesus įgyvendinti padeda naujoji vaizdinių veikimo forma – ikonorėja, kuri pasireiškia kaip viešojoje erdvėje cirkuliuojantis ir ritmiškai atsikartojantis perteklinis vaizdų antplūdis. Straipsnyje keliamas retorinis klausimas apie galimybę išsilaisvinti iš šios situacijos – t. y. pabėgti iš Kito sapno.Escaping the Dream of the OtherKristupas Sabolius SummaryDealing with the changing nature of visuality in contemporary world, this article aims to examine the possibility of producing, classifying, and implanting dreams into one’s mind. Based on Deleuze’s, Horkheimer’s, Adorno’s, Candau’s, and Zizek’s views as well as a few Hollywood films, this work diagnoses the crucial role of cultural industries in duplicating the function of transcendental schematism, as new technologies take over Kant’s transcendental imagination. These processes are implemented through a new form of visual existence – iconorrhea, a rhythmical, repetitive and excessive flux of images, circulating on the screens of public sphere. This paper raises the rhetorical question concerning the possibility of deliverance from this situation, i.e. how can one escape the dream of the Other.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 843-863
Author(s):  
Andreas Rahmatian

This article explores the concept of the ‘mixed system’ of Scots private law as a tool for Scottish legal nationalism. The paper looks at some difficulties and contradictions of the ‘mixed system’ idea and the role of Scottish legal nationalism in Scottish legal academia. Examples from contract, tort (delict) and property law will be used to illustrate the function of the ‘mixed system’ conception as an ideological and political device to further the cause of legal nationalism. The article then discusses the features of Scottish legal nationalism. It will be argued that Scottish legal nationalism poses many problems but is now diminishing, and this probably even correlates, somewhat paradoxically, with the rise of Scottish political nationalism and the real possibility of Scottish political independence from the United Kingdom in the present political climate.


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