scholarly journals Strategi Komunikasi Politik Caleg Perempuan dalam Pileg 2019 di Kota Malang

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 55-65
Author(s):  
Firdha Umari ◽  
Sulih Indra Dewi

This study aimed to find out the political communication strategies of women legislative candidates and what obstacles faced by them. This study used qualitative method and to determine the informants it was wit purposive sampling. Data collection techniques were through interviews and documentation. This study interviewed four woman candidates from different political parties in Malang, and for the first joining a legislative elections. The results of the political communication stretegies were a door to door, approaching religious and structural leaders, used political consultant and had a lot of campaign team were proven to effective in Malang. The obstacles for the women in involving in politics were lack of money and political knowledge and also multiple roles as house wives and ploticians became their internal issue.

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 288
Author(s):  
Rusmawaty Rusdin

One study that is interesting to discuss is the political kinship established by the Agus Ambo Djiwa clan. Agus Ambo Djiwa has played an important role in Pasangkayu politics in building politics since 2005 to become deputy regent and then to regent two for the 2010-2020 period. Now he has successfully led his brother and wife to become regents and deputy regents of Pasangkayu in the 2021-2024 period. The purpose of this study was to determine the modalities of Agus Ambo Djwa's kinship politics in winning the political event in Pasangkayu. This study uses a qualitative method. Data collection techniques using observation, interviews, and documentation studies. Data analysis used the Miles and Huberman model, namely data collection, data reduction, data presentation and verification. The results showed that there was an inheritance of leadership politics in Pasangkayu which was after the expansion of the Mamuju district. The Agus Agus Djiwa clan won the 2020 elections because it has four basic material modalities, namely the Ambo Djiwa Family social capital, which is one of the figures in the formation of the division of North Mamuju Regency which is currently known as Pasangkayu and Agus Ambo Djiwa still in control of the regional bureaucracy, cultural capital relying on family names and politics ethnic identity, political capital supported by political parties and economic capital originate from personal wealth and donations from donors. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 184
Author(s):  
Primus Adeodatur Latu Batara ◽  
Guntur Freddy Prisanto ◽  
Niken Febrina Ernungtyas ◽  
Irwansyah Irwansyah ◽  
Safira Hasna

The large number of parties in the 2019 legislative elections made political parties have to compete for political power in their constituencies. Political marketing communication strategies are needed to get the most votes and win in the democratic event every 5 years in Indonesia. East Nusa Tenggara I became one of the electoral districts that experienced fierce competition among the political parties, due to the large number of elite legislative members and political activists in this area. However, Nasdem as a new party was able to gain the most votes and won the 2019 legislative elections. Therefore, the objective of this study is to understand how the political marketing communication strategy used by Nasdem in East Nusa Tenggara Province, especially in the NTT electoral district I to win the 2019 legislative elections. The research used the concept of political parties, political campaigns, and political marketing communication using a qualitative approach and in-depth interview techniques. As a result, sales oriented political party marketing communication strategies used by Nasdem in the 2019 elections in the electoral district of East Nusa Tenggara Province I won the most votes. This strategy aims to get the number of votes from potential voters, and the representation of parties and personal  figures that are 'sold' by political parties. Personal figures of the candidates have more impact  for winning legislative elections than political party ideologies.


Prisma Com ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 43 ◽  
pp. 47-61
Author(s):  
Mariana Isabel Correia ◽  
Cristina Santos ◽  
Karen Barcelos ◽  
Miguel Silva

This article addresses the effectiveness of the political communication strategies used in the Instagram of national political parties in the 2019 Portuguese legislative campaign. To accomplish this goal, a content analysis of 164 Instagram posts of four political parties (PS, PSD, Iniciativa Liberal and Livre), published between 22 September and 4 October 2019, was carried out. The broadcasting, mobilization and personalization strategies, in which the engagement rate was measured,were assessed. The analysis showed that PS and PSD were less successful in broadcasting and personalisation. Only personalisation was the most effective, while in Iniciativa Liberal and Livre there was no greater effectiveness in mobilization, but in broadcasting.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-110
Author(s):  
Andiwi Meifilina

Apart from being a means to communicate and absorb constituents' aspirations, social media can also be used to create a positive image of legislative candidate and political party. The purpose of this study is to analyze the political communication strategy of the Blitar Regency Golkar party through social media as political education on the development of community digital literacy and to uncover and analyze the factors that hinder the political communication strategy used by the party. This study uses descriptive qualitative method with data collection technique in a documentary manner. The result shows that the political communication strategy carried out by the Golkar party in Blitar Regency is to determine the communication components based on the communication concept of Harold D. Laswell, namely communicator, message, media, communicant, and effect. In implementing this strategy, there are internal and external constraints. Internal constraints include the psychological condition of young people and operational funds that are the responsibility of legislative candidate. Meanwhile, external constraints include media coverage of controversial statements by political elites, the formation of negative public opinion, and competition from other political parties.


Koneksi ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Bella Adha Hendriana Moneter ◽  
Eko Harry Susanto

The 2019 legislative elections participated by many political parties in Indonesia, one of which was the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI). The more parties that participate in the General Election, the competition between each one of them become more strict in order to get a seat in parliament. Due to that reason, PSI did not pass on the DPR RI election level but somehow managed to get a 6.68% vote and get eight seats on the Jakarta DPRD election level. In this case, the purpose of this research is to study the political communication strategy of PSI Jakarta regarding the vote they got on Jakarta DPRD election level in 2019 General Election. This research is using the conceptualization of political policy, the conceptualization of political communication strategy, conceptualization of political policy, and conceptualization of political policy. political policy, and conceptualization of general elections as the theoretical basis. The research method in this research is a case study and the research approach in this research is descriptive-qualitative. The conclusion of this research shows that the political communication strategy used by PSI Jakarta to gain votes is by paying attention to the figures, stabilizing the institution, and creating togetherness. They also combined their politics communication strategy with the politics communication itself, in order to gain a lot more votes. Pemilu Legislatif Tahun 2019 diikuti banyak partai politik di Indonesia salah satunya partai baru, Partai Solidaritas Indonesia (PSI). Semakin banyak partai politik mengikuti Pemilu, semakin ketat kompetisi antar partai untuk mendapatkan kursi di parlemen. PSI tidak lolos memperebutkan kursi DPR RI, tetapi berhasil mendapatkan suara 6,68% atau delapan kursi di DPRD DKI Jakarta. Penelitian ini ingin mengetahui strategi komunikasi politik PSI Jakarta atas perolehan suara di DPRD DKI Jakarta pada Pemilu 2019. Landasan teoritik yang digunakan adalah konseptualisasi komunikasi politik, konseptualisasi strategi komunikasi politik, konseptualisasi partai politik, dan konseptualisasi pemilihan umum. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan strategi komunikasi politik PSI Jakarta untuk memperoleh suara yakni dengan merawat ketokohan, memantapkan kelembagaan, dan menciptakan kebersamaan. PSI Jakarta juga mengkombinasikan strategi komunikasi politik dengan unsur komunikasi politik.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 82
Author(s):  
Mhd Alfahjri Sukri

This research was conducted to see how Mohammad Natsir thought about the relationship between Islam and Pancasila. This study also explains the causes of Natsir's change of mind which initially supported Pancasila as part of Islam and later turned into an opponent of Pancasila in Konstituante on 11 November to 6 December 1957. The methodology used was a qualitative method by describing the results of the analysis carried out. The research data is obtained through a review of documents and scientific literature. The results of the study show that Mohammad Natsir's change of mind regarding the relationship between Islam and Pancasila was influenced by Mohammad Natsir's political socialization which began from Natsir's view of Islam influenced by the childhood environment (conditional and socio-cultural) in Minangkabau; direct influence from national figures such as Ahmad Hassan, H. Agus Salim, Sheikh Ahmad Syurkati and H. O Tjokroaminoto; the indirect influence of international figures throughout reading book such as Hassan Al-Banna, Amir Syakib Arselan, Rashid Ridha and Muhammad Abduh; the influence of Natsir's organization and political parties, namely Jong Islamieten Bond (JIB), Islamic Unity (Persis), and Masyumi political parties; and the influence of the political conditions at that time which made Natsir's views change, which initially accepted Pancasila and then became an opponent of the Pancasila. This research shown there are two patterns of Natsir's relationship with Pancasila, namely (1) Natsir accepted Pancasila and, (2) Natsir opposed Pancasila.


Author(s):  
Kevin Munger ◽  
Patrick J. Egan ◽  
Jonathan Nagler ◽  
Jonathan Ronen ◽  
Joshua Tucker

Abstract Does social media educate voters, or mislead them? This study measures changes in political knowledge among a panel of voters surveyed during the 2015 UK general election campaign while monitoring the political information to which they were exposed on the Twitter social media platform. The study's panel design permits identification of the effect of information exposure on changes in political knowledge. Twitter use led to higher levels of knowledge about politics and public affairs, as information from news media improved knowledge of politically relevant facts, and messages sent by political parties increased knowledge of party platforms. But in a troubling demonstration of campaigns' ability to manipulate knowledge, messages from the parties also shifted voters' assessments of the economy and immigration in directions favorable to the parties' platforms, leaving some voters with beliefs further from the truth at the end of the campaign than they were at its beginning.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 306
Author(s):  
Moh Ikmal

The purpose of this study is to find out how the affirmative action of political parties in encouraging women’s political participation in Sumenep Regency. This study uses descriptive qualitative research with data collection procedures in the form of interviews, observation and documentation. Data validation techniques used are source triangulation techniques in the form of person and paper. The results show that the efforts made by political parties of Sumenep Regency in building women’s political participation include, 1) parties taking an internal/personal approach; 2) programmatic, structured and continuous development of the political model of female cadres; 3) hold meetings at times that are possible to be attended by female cadres and times that are not too preoccupied with household needs.


Author(s):  
I. V. Smirnova

Thanks to different mass media sources, members of any society are well aware of political developments and events and politicians. Every person has his or her own formed political beliefs and affirmations, interpreters other people's actions during political developments and evaluates events that take place. Political forces, in turn, see a person (a potential elector) as an object of external information influence. This lets them use political communication when competing for the power. In the modern democratic society this competition is carried out via parliamentarian debates, politicians' speeches, examining political parties' programs, political agitation and voting. General audience-oriented political discourse implements its function of political information influence. As the goal of any political party's program (as an independent form of text in the system of political discourse) is to win the elections and come to power, thus the audience influence function is one of the most fundamental and serve as the basis for the text. The text of a program itself is characterized by its persuasive orientation towards the audience, which reveal itself in such methods as convincing, argumentation, manipulation and evaluation. All the political programs pertain to parties which are at the power or which are in opposition. The main characteristic of oppositional programs is the criticism of the power, vice versa, the dominant party's programs confirm the correctness of their policy. All the political programs are multi-authored. The written form of any political program lets put into practice a detailed text analysis. This article presents the analysis of the texts of two leading Spanish political parties (the Spanish socialist worker's party and the people's party of Spain).


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (01) ◽  
pp. 51-66
Author(s):  
Asprilla Aqmarina

Cohesive devices in a piece of writing serve to unify sentences within a text. Building upon Halliday and Hasan’s (1976) Cohesion in English, this study aimed to identify and classify cohesive devices and also to discover the effects of cohesion overuse and underuse found in synopsis writings written for Book Report 1 and Book Report 2 assignment. The data were collected from 40 synopsis writings produced by the 4th and 5th semester students of English Study Program of Universitas Gadjah Mada. The data analysis applied a qualitative method and the data collection used purposive sampling technique. The findings showed that reiteration was the most prominently used type and followed by reference, conjunction, and collocation with the frequency 2,193 (56.94%), 1,405 (36.48%), 64 (2.92%), and 252 (6.54%) times respectively. Other types with low occurrences were elliptical and substitutional cohesion that occurred 3 (0.078%) and 2 (0.051%) times respectively. In some cases, students tended to overuse and underuse cohesive devices. In terms of cohesion overuse, in some cases, the use of reiteration leading to lexical redundancy and monotonous sentences. And in cohesion underuse, the lack of using personal reference and temporal conjunction yielding ineffective and less cohesive sentences. Keywords: Cohesive Devices; Discourse Analysis; Synopsis Writings.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document